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THE  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS 


OCTAVO,  ILLUSTRATED.  PER  VOL.,  $1.50 


THE  EARLIER  VOLUMES  WILL  BE 

THE  STORY  OF  GREECE.  By  Prof.  Jas.  A.  Harrison 
THE  STORY  OF  ROME.  By  Arthur  Gilman 
THE  STORY  OF  THE  JEWS.  By  Prof.  Jas.  K.  Hosmer 
THE  STORY  OF  CHALDEA.  By  Z.  Ragozin 
THE  STORY  OF  NORWAY.  By  Prof.  H.  H.  Boyesen 
THE  STORY  OF  GERMANY.  By  S.  Bari.\g-Gould 
THE  STORY  OF  SPAIN.  By  E.  E and  Susan  Hale 
THE  STORY  OF  HUNGARY.  By  Prof.  A.  Vamb^ky 
THE  STORY  OF  CARTHAGE.  By  Prof.  Alfred  J.  Church 
THE  STORY  OF  THE  SARACENS.  By  Arthur  Gilman 
THE  STORY  OF  ASSYRIA.  By  Z.  Ragozin 
THE  STORY  OF  THE  GOTHS.  By  Henry  Bradley 
THE  STORY  OF  THE  NORMANS.  By  Sarah  O.  Jewett 
THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA.  By  S.  G.  W.  Be.njami.n. 

THE  STORY  OF  ALEXANDER’S  E.M  PIRE.  By  I’rof.  J.P.Mahaffy 
THE  STORY  OF  EARLY  EGYPT.  By  Geo.  Rawlinson 
For  prospectus  of  the  series  see  end  of  this  volume 


G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS 


NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 


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|h£  |tatg  B)(  ll|e  |[ations 


THE 

Story  of  Persia 


BY 


S.  G.  W.  ’ BENJAMIN 

LATELY  UNITED  STATES  MINISTER  TO  PERSIA 


NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 

G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS 

^nitkcrbodur 

1887 


COPYRIGHT  BY 

G.  P PUTNAM’S  SONS 
1887 


Press  of 

G.  P.  Putnam’s  Sons 
New  York 


PREFACE. 


The  author  wishes  to  call  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  scope  of  this  work  is  entirely  different  from 
that  of  the  volume  recently  published  by  him, 
entitled  “ Persia  and  the  Persians.”  The  latter  work 
is  intended  to  give  a description  of  Persia  as  it  is; 
while  the  present  volume  is  a history  of  Persia, 
as  it  has  been,  offering  a narrative  of  the  most  note- 
worthy characters  and  events  of  that  ancient  empire 
from  its  foundation  in  prehistoric  times. 

This  work  differs  from  other  histories  of  Persia  in 
giving  more  proportionate  attention  to  the  legendary 
period  of  her  history  than  is  usual  with  those  who 
have  dealt  with  this  subject,  as  well  as  to  the  great 
career  of  the  House  of  Sassan,  which,  in  the  opinion 
of  the  author,  has  never  received  full  justice  from 
those  Christian  historians  who  have  undertaken  a 
connected  history  of  Persia.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
long  period  between  the  Saracen  invasion  and  the 
rise  of  the  Sefaveans  has  been  presented  so  fully 
elsewhere,  and  offers  so  few  really  salient  points  that 
are  distinctly  connected  with  the  development  of 
Persia  as  an  independent  monarchy,  that  it  hardly 
seemed  best  to  give  more  than  a mere  outline  of 
that  period  in  a volume  whose  limits  are  circum- 
scribed. 


VI 


FJ^EFA  CE. 


It  seems  to  be  the  established  rule  for  historians 
to  refer  to  the  authorities  they  have  consulted.  The 
author  may  therefore  state  that  he  has,  in  the 
preparation  of  this  volume,  made  use  of  the  various 
well-known  authorities  on  the  subject ; but  it  is 
scarcely  worth  while  to  present  a list  of  them  here. 
Those  writers  who  are  dead  will  not  be  disturbed  by 
any  departure  from  their  opinions  or  any  new  pres- 
entation of  the  facts  they  recorded;  while  living 
authorities  can  see  for  themselves  whether  the  author 
has  agreed  or  disagreed  with  their  conclusions. 

In  several  instances,  as  in  regard  to  the  character 
and  career  of  Chosroes  Parveez,  or  the  quality  of 
Persian  military  talents  and  courage,  the  author  has 
found  it  impossible  to  arrive  at  exactly  the  same 
conclusions  as  many  writers  on  Persia.  A long 
residence  in  various  parts  of  the  East,  including 
several  years  in  Persia,  has  led  the  author  to  form 
a higher  and,  he  thinks,  a more  just  estimate  of  the 
character  of  Orientals  than  many  European  writers 
are  willing  to  concede  to  them.  For  the  rest,  the 
author  commits  this  little  work  to  the  reader  with 
the  hope  that  he  may  find  The  Story  of  Persia  ” 
not  unworthy  a place  by  the  side  of  the  histories  of 
Greece  and  of  Rome. 


S.  G.  W.  Benjamin. 


CONTENTS. 


I. 

PAGE 

Feridoon 1-23 

Founders  of  Persia,  i — Shah  Djemsheed,  2-5 — Royal 
standard  of  Persia,  8 — Imprisonment  of  Zohak,  lo — 
Daughters  of  Yemen,  12 — Treachery  of  Serv,  15 — Feri- 
doon’s  test,  17 — Murder  of  Iredj,  21 — Feridoon’s  ven- 
geance, 23. 

II. 

Zal  . 24-33 

Minoutchehr  ascends  the  throne,  24 — Sahm’s  white-haired 
son,  25 — Zal,  governor  of  Seistan,  26 — Roodabeh’s  love, 

27 — Wedding  festivities,  33. 

III. 

Rustem . 34-42 

Capture  of  Sipend,  35 — Death  of  Minoutchehr,  36 — 
Turkish  invasion,  37 — Kei  Kaoos,  38 — Soudabeh’s  adven- 
tures, 39 — Afrasiab  defeats  the  Syrians,  40 — Embarkation 
of  Rustem,  41 — Rustem’s  victory,  42. 

IV. 

SOHRAB  . . . . . . . . 43-50 

Loss  of  Kaksch,  43 — Marriage  of  Rustem  and  Tehmimeh, 

44 — Birth  of  Sohrab,  44 — Sohrab  seeks  his  father,  45 — 
Siege  of  White  Castle,  46 — Gurdaferid,  47 — Treachery,  48 
— Royal  missive,  49 — Reconciliation  of  Rustem  and  Ke'i 
Kaoos,  50. 

vii 


Vlll 


STORY  OF  PERSIA, 


V. 

PAGE 

SOHRAB  AND  RuSTEM 5^-^5 

Death  of  Zendeh  Rezm,  52 — Conflict  between  the  Persians 
and  Touranians,  56 — Meeting  of  Rustem  and  Sohrab,  57 — 
Death  of  Sohrab,  64 — Tehmimeh  dies  of  grief,  65. 

VI. 

SlAWUSCH 66-81 

Finding  of  a queen,  66 — Birth  of  Siawusch,  67 — Trial  by 
fire,  69 — Siege  of  Balkh,  70 — Hospitality  of  Afrasiab,  71 — 
Marriage  of  Siawusch,  73 — Accusations,  74 — Death,  75 — 

Kel  Khosroo,  76— Piran-Wisa’s  deceit,  77 — Rustem  kills 
Soudabeh,  78 — Victory  of  Kel  Khosroo,  8l. 

VII. 

Kei  Khosroo,  or  Cyrus  ....  82-97 

Territory  of  Persia,  83 — Touranians,  84 — Cyaxares  and  the 
Medes,  86 — Sect  of  fire-worshippers,  87 — Zoroaster,  88 — 
Subduction  of  Media,  8g — Croesus,  90 — Capture  of  Baby- 
lon, 91 — Warning  of  Belshazzar,  94 — Death  of  Belshazzar, 

95 — Death  of  Cyrus,  96 — Cyrus’  tomb  at  Passargadae,  96. 

VIII. 

From  Cyrus  to  Darius  1 98-111 

Succession  of  Cambyses,  98 — Subjugation  of  Egypt,  99 — 
Smerdis  beheaded,  100 — Death  of  Cambyses,  loi — Election 
of  Darius,  102 — Inscription  at  Behistoon,  103 — Extension 
of  Persian  empire,  105 — Expedition  against  Greece,  107 — 
Battle  of  Marathon,  109. 


IX. 

Xerxes  .......  1 12-125 

Personal  appearance  and  temperament,  1 13 — Army,  114 — 
Canal  through  Mt.  Athos,  115 — Thermopylae,  116 — Battles 
at  Artemesium,  117;  at  Salamis,  118 — Retreat  of  Zerxes, 

121 — Battle  of  Plataea,  122 — Defeat  of  Persians  at  Mycald 
124 — Xerxes  assassinated,  125. 


CONTEATTS. 


IX 


X. 

PAGE 

Persia  until  the  Invasion  of  Alexander  . 126-140 

Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  126 — Rebellion  of  Megabyzus,  127 
— Xerxes  II.,  128 — Degeneracy  of  Persian  monarchy  under 
Darius  Nothus,  129 — Treachery  of  Tissaphernes,  130 — 
Cyrus  the  Younger  purchases  services  of  Greek  mercenaries, 

132 — Battle  of  Cunaxa,  133 — Retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand, 

135 — Ochus,  136 — Siege  of  Sidon,  138 — Murder  of  Arta- 
xerxes III.,  139— Darius  Codomanus,  140. 

XI. 

Darius  Codomanus  and  Alexander  . 141-157 

Rout  at  the  river  Granicus,  141— Reduction  of  Phoenicia, 

142 — Defeat  of  Persians  on  the  plains  of  Arbela,  143 — 
Alexander  enters  Persepolis,  144 — Alexander’s  feast,  145  — 
Assassination  of  Darius,  146 — Intermarriage  between  Ma- 
cedonians and  natives,  147 — The  mystic  plane-trees,  148 — 
Death  of  Alexander  at  Babylon,  149 — Pitho,  satrap  of 
Media,  150 — Seleucia,  capital  of  the  Greco-Persian  empire, 

151 — Elements  of  discord,  151 — Revolt  of  Diodatus,  154 — 
Shepherds  of  Parthia,  156 — Rhages  or  Rhei,  157. 

XII. ' 

The  Parthians 158--170 

Arsaces  I.,  158 — Mithridates  the  Great,  1 61— Murder  of 
Phraortes,  162 — Defeat  of  the  Romans,  163—- Ctesiphon, 

164 — Campaign  of  Marc  Antony,  166 — Final  check  to  the 
Romans,  167 — Vologeses  I.,  168 — Destruction  of  Seleucia, 

169. 

XIII. 

The  House  of  Sassan  . . . 171-178 

Rise  of  the  Neo-Persian  power,  172 — Artaxerxes  or  Ardeshir 
declares  Persia  independent,  173 — War  with  Rome,  174 — 
Faith  of  Ormuzd,  175 — The  Zendavesta,  176 — Religious 
character  of  the  Persian  revolution,  177. 


X 


STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


XIV. 

PAGE 

Sapor  1 180-189 

Daughter  of  Manizen,  i8o — Recovery  of  Nisibis,  i8i — 
Imprisonment  and  death  of  Valerian,  182 — Cultivation  of 
the  arts,  183 — Dyke  of  Shuster,  184 — Manichseism,"  185 — 
Death  of  Sapor,  186. 


XV. 

Persia  until  the  Reign  of  Sapor  II.  . 190-206 

Death  of  Manee,  190 — War  of  Sapor  II.  with  Rome,  192 
— Julian  the  Apostate  masses  his  forces  at  Antioch,  194 — 
Rejects  peaceable  propositions  of  Sapor,  195— Massacre  of 
population  at  Hit,  197 — Race  for  Ctesiphon,  199 — Julian 
burns  his  fleet,  200 — Death  of  Julian  at  Samarah,  202 — 
Retreat  of  the  Romans,  203. 

XVI. 

From  Sapor  II.  to  Chosroes  I.  . . 207-225 

Death  of  Sapor  I.,  207 — Isdigerd  I.,  208 — Boyhood  of 
Varahran,  209 — Peace  with  the  Romans,  2iO — Ephthalites 
or  White  Huns,  21 1 — Victory  of  Varahran,  213 — Refmd- 
ing  of  an  old  love,  216 — Perozes,  217 — Restoration  of 
Zoroastrianism  in  Armenia,  218 — Mazdak  the  reformer, 

219 — Deposition  of  Kobad,  220 — Restoration  to  the  throne, 

221 — Destruction  of  the  Mazdakites,  223 — Renewed  hostili- 
ties with  Rome,  224 — Death  of  Kobad,  225. 

XVII. 

Chosroes  I.,  surnamed  Anurshirwan  . 226-236 

Conspiracy  against  Chosroes  crushed,  226 — Execution  of 
Mazdak,  227 — Justice  of  Chosroes,  228 — Establishment  of 
fixed  taxes,  230 — Chosroes  founds  university  of  Shapoor, 

231 — The  Augustan  period  of  Persian  history,  232 — Ex- 
pulsion of  Abyssinians  from  Arabia,  233 — Lazic  war,  234 — 
Siege  of  Petra,  235 — Death  of  Chosroes,  236. 


CONTENTS, 


XI 


XVIII. 

PAGE 

Chosroes  Parveez 237-266 

Insult  to  General  Bahrain  Shobeen,  237— Death  of  Hormazd, 

238  — Coronation  of  Chosroes  II.,  240 — Flight  from 
Ctesiphon,  242 — Seeks  aid  from  the  emperor  at  Constanti- 
nople, 243 — Defeat  of  Bahram,  244— Revolt  of  Vastam, 

245 — Shireen,  246 — Friendly  relations  with  Maurice,  247— 

War  in  Syria,  248 — Siege  of  Jerusalem,  249— A proud  hour 
for  Persia,  250 — Dastagerd,  252 — Oath  of  Heraclius,  254 
— The  star  of  Persia  wanes,  255 — Retreat  of  Chosroes,  256 
— Campaigns  in  Asia  Minor,  259 — Siege  of  Tiflis,  260— 
Battle  near  Nineveh,  261 — -Heraclius  sacks  Dastagerd,  262— 
Conspiracy  of  nobles,  265--— End  of  the  “Great  King,”  266. 

XIX. 

The  Mohammedan  Conquest  of  Persia  . 267-282 

Coronation  of  Siroes,  or  Kobad  II.,  267— Murder  of  all  the 
brothers  of  Kobad,  268 — Pestilence,  270~Insurrection  and 
death  of  Shahr  Barz,  271 — Coronation  of  Isdigerd  III.,  272 
— Campaign  against  the  Saracens,  273 — Repulse  of  the 
Persians,  274 — “ Day  of  Concussion,”  275 — Rustem  slain, 

276 — Fate  of  the  leathern  standard  of  Kaweh,  278— Fall  of 
Rhei,  279— Defeat  of  the  Persians  near  Nehavend,  281. 

XX. 

Persia  under  the  Mohammedans  . . 283-294 

Crushing  of  Zoroastrianism,  283-“Firdousee,  284— Ismail, 

Shah  of  Persia,  288 — Shah  Abbass  the  Great,  290— Rule  of 
the  Afghans,  291— Aga  Mohammed  Khan,  292~Feth  Alee 
Shah,  294. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PACK 

PERSEPOLis,  RUINS  OF  ...  . Frontispiece. 

PALACE  GUARD 7 

CONE  of  MT.  DEMAVEND  . . . . . .II 

KING  SLAYS  EVIL  GENIUS  .....  I9 

REPRESENTATIONS  OF  PERSIAN  MYTHOLOGY  . . 29 

ANAHITA,  OR  PERSIAN  VENUS  .....  38 

AHRIMAZDAO 4I 

CYRUS — ANCIENT  SCULPTURE  .....  47 

GATEWAYS,  PALACE  OF  DARIUS,  PERSEPOLIS  . . 53 

ANCIENT  PERSIAN  ARCHITECTURE  ....  63 

FIRE-ALTAR 69 

PILLAR,  BASE  AND  CAPITAL,  PERSEPOLIS  . . 73 

RELIEF  AT  EEHISTOON  ......  79 

TOMB  OF  CYRUS  .......  85 

DARIUS  HUNTS 93 

MAP — PERSIAN  EMPIRE  UNDER  DARIUS  . . face  98 

GATEWAY  OF  XERXES  (PERSEPOLIS)  . . . lOO 

HEAD  OF  DARIUS I06 

PERSIAN  ARCHITECTURE IO9 

XERXES’  SEAT  AT  SALAMIS II9 

RELIEF-PLATFORM  OF  XERXES  AT  PERSEPOLIS  . 1 23 

TOMB  OF  ESTHER  AND  MORDECAI  . . . • I3I 

RELIEF  ON  THE  STEPS  OF  XERXES  ....  137 

DARIUS  AT  ISSUS I43 

ALEXANDER  AND  FAMILY  OF  DARIUS  . . . 153 

COIN  OF  MITHRIDATES  I. 161 

RUINS  OF  PALACE  AT  HATRA 165 

xiii 


XIV 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


COIN  OF  ORODES . 167 

COIN  OF  ARDESHIR  I.  . ...  . -173 

ORMUZD  . . -175 

RUINS  OF  CASTLE  OF  THE  FIRE-WORSHIPPERS  . . 179 

HEAD  OF  SAPOR  1 183 

ROCK  SCULPTURE  NEAR  SHAPOOR  ....  187 

SAPOR  I. PERSIAN  SCULPTURE  ....  189 

PERSIAN  CAVALRYMAN I95 

SCULPTURE  AT  TACHT-I-BOSTAN  ....  205 

COIN  OF  SAPOR  11.  ......  . 209 

HOUSEHOLD  FIRE-ALTAR  . . . . .211 

VARAHRAN  V.  IN  BATTLE  .....  215 

COIN  OF  VARAHRAN  V.  .....  . 223 

COIN  OF  CHOSROES  I.  .....  . 225 

PALACE  OF  CHOSROES  I.,  CTESIPHON  . . . 229 

CEMETERY  OF  THE  ZOROASTRIANS  ....  235 

RATSCH-RUSTEM  .......  24I 

COIN  OF  PEROZES  .......  243 

COIN  OF  CHOSROES  II.  .....  . 247 

DOMESTIC  FIRE-ALTAR 249 

COIN  OF  ISDIGERD  III . 255 

TOMB  OF  AVICENNA  . . . . . .257 

SHAH  ABBASS  THE  GREAT  .....  263 

MOSQUE  AT  ROOM  . . . . . . . 269 

NADIR  SHAH 277 

MAP MODERN  PERSIA  .....  face  283 

AGA  MOHAMMED  KHAN  ......  285 

FETH  ALEE  SHAH 289 

YOUNG  PERSIAN  GOVERNOR  (mODERn)  . . . 293 


plates  in  “ History  of  Persia  from  the  Most  Early  Period  to  the  Present  Time,” 
by  Col.  Sir_  John  Malcolm,  K.C.B.,  K.L  S.,  London,  1815,  and  “ Geschichte  des 
Alten  Persiens,”  von  Dr.  Ferdinand  Justi,  Leipzig,  1879,  to  the  publishers  of 
which  works  we  desire  to  express  our  acknowledgments. 

G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS. 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


I. 

FERIDOON. 

The  legendary  period  of  Persian  history  begins 
far  back  in  the  mists  of  time.  It  is  the  custom  to 
assume  that  legend  means  fiction  ; but  historians  are 
now  beginning  to  perceive  that  the  legends  of  a na- 
tion are  often  not  only  more  interesting  and  poetic 
than  what  is  called  its  authentic  history,  but  that 
they  really  suggest  actual  facts,  while  nothing  can  be 
more  fascinating  than  the  study  of  such  legends.  No 
country  has  more  attractive  legends  than  Persia; 
and  to  judge  from  them  we  cannot  avoid  the 
conclusion  that  no  nation  now  existing  has  such  a 
continuous  vitality  as  the  old  land  of  Cyrus  and 
Xerxes. 

The  founder  of  the  Persian  nation  was  Kaiomurs. 
He  also  had  the  title  of  Gilshah,  or  king  of  the 
world.  He  established  his  capital  at  Balkh.  The 
wild  beasts  of  the  forests  acknowledged  his 
sway.  They  paid  obeisance  at  his  throne.  Kaio- 
murs made  it  his  ambition  to  civilize  the  savage 


I 


2 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


tribes  of  Asia.  In  these  noble  efforts  he  encount- 
ered violent  opposition  from  the  barbarians  called 
Deeves ; and  he  sent  against  them  his  handsome 
son  Siamek,  with  a powerful  army  ; among  his  auxil- 
iaries were  lions  and  tigers  eager  for  the  fray.  But 
Siamek  was  slain  in  the  battle  which  followed  among 
the  mountains,  and  great  was  the  lamentation  of  all. 

Siamek  had  a son  named  Houscheng.  He  was 
placed  at  the  head  of  a host  that  went  forth  to 
avenge  the  death  of  his  father;  and  the  Deeves 
were  at  last  subdued.  Kaiomurs  died  soon  after  this 
event,  and  Houscheng,  wise,  prudent,  and  just,  suc- 
ceeded to  the  throne.  It  was  in  his  reign  that  the 
Persians  became  fire-worshippers,  adoring  flame  as 
the  symbol  of  God.  Thamauras  succeeded  Hous- 
cheng, and  he  in  turn  was  followed  by  Shah  Djem- 
sheed,  who  is  one  of  the  most  celebrated  monarchs 
of  Persia.  Djemsheed,  during  a reign  of  many  years 
accomplished  much  for  the  advancement  of  his  peo- 
ple. He  introduced  the  use  of  iron,  and  the  weav- 
ing and  embroidering  of  woollen,  silk,  and  cotton 
stuffs  ; and  divided  his  subjects  into  four  castes  or 
classes : priests,  warriors,  and  traders ; the  fourth 
caste  was  composed  of  husbandmen,  who  bore  the 
name  of  Nesoudi.  Of  this  class  the  Persian  poet, 
Firdoiisee,  wrote  : “ They  render  homage  to  no  one  ; 
they  labor,  they  sow,  they  harvest,  and  are  nour- 
ished in  the  fields  of  the  earth  without  injury  to 
any  one.  They  are  subject  to  the  orders  of  none, 
although  their  clothes  are  humble,  and  their  ear  is 
never  struck  by  the  clamor  of  slander.  They  are 
free;  and  the  tillage  of  the  earth  is  their  right;  they 


FERIDOON. 


3 


have  no  enemies  ; they  have  no  quarrels.”  It  must 
be  admitted  that  this  is  a somewhat  poetic  and  rose- 
hued  description  of  a farmer’s  condition. 

Shah  Djemsheed  also  enlisted  the  subject  Deeves 
into  the  service  of  making  bricks,  of  which  the  in- 
vention is  attributed  to  him.  He  is  likewise  credited 
with  the  employment  of  hewn  marble  in  the  con- 
struction of  buildings,  with  the  discovery  of  per- 
fumes, the  arts  of  healing,  the  invention  of  ships,  and 
many  other  useful  means  for  benefiting  the  race.  It 
was  Djemsheed  also  who  instituted  the  No  Rooz,  or 
New  Year,  at  the  time  of  the  spring  solstice,  a festi- 
val still  celebrated  in  Persia  with  many  ceremonies 
during  ten  days.  He  seems  indeed  to  have  been  a 
most  puissant,  beneficent,  and  glorious  king  for 
many  peaceful  years,  until,  as  the  legend  records,  his 
head  was  affected  by  the  height  of  power  which  he 
had  reached  ; then  he  became  arrogant  and  recog- 
nized no  other  greater  than  himself,  and  forgetting 
his  Creator,  assumed  himself  to  be  the  sole  architect 
of  his  greatness.  The  priests  and  people  trembled 
when  they  heard  his  high  utterances,  for  they  fore- 
saw that  it  meant  his  downfall.  They  realized  what 
a later  king  wisely  said  : “ Pride  goeth  before  de- 
struction.” 

The  favor  of  God  was  withdrawn  and  Persia  be- 
came torn  with  discord.  It  was  in  vain  that  the 
haughty  monarch  besought  the  divine  pardon  when 
it  was  too  late.  On  the  western  boundaries  of  Persia 
was  a nation  whose  armies  flew  to  battle  on  swift 
horses  and  bearing  long  spears.  They  had  for 
king,  Mardas,  widely  known  for  his  valor  and  virtues. 


4 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


To  him  was  born  a son  who  was  named  Zohak,  who 
at  first  seemed  destined  to  rival  the  noble  qualities 
of  his  father.  But  ambition  proved  the  ruin  of  his 
character — ambition  of  which  a great  poet  had  said, 
“ by  that  sin  the  angels  fell.”  The  Evil  One  in  hu- 
man form  came  to  Zohak  and  tempted  him  to  slay 
his  father  and  seize  the  throne.  Zohak  first  hesi- 
tated, but  ended  by  carrying  out  this  fell  design. 
Having  led  him  thus  far  in  inquity,  the  dark  spirit  con- 
tinued his  influence  over  Zohak,  who  was  now  in  his 
power,  having  sold  himself  to  evil. 

Having  reached  this  point,  the  Devil,  in  the  guise 
of  a favorite  servant,  said  to  Zohak : O king,  live 
forever,  full  of  content  and  power ! my  heart  is  full 
of  love  for  thee,  and  to  behold  thee  is  all  that  I desire. 
I have  but  one  desire  to  ask  of  the  king,  even  if  this 
honor  be  above  my  deserts  ; it  is  that  he  permit  me 
to  kiss  his  shoulders,  and  that  I touch  them  with  mine 
eyes.”  Zohak  perceived  not  the  design  of  the  Evil  One 
in  making  this  seemingly  simple  request,  and  there- 
fore granted  it.  An  extraordinary  result  followed, 
for  from  each  of  the  shoulders  of  the  king  sprouted 
a black  serpent.  Struck  with  horror,  Zohak  searched 
everywhere  for  a remedy,  and  finally  caused  the 
reptiles  to  be  cut  off  at  the  shoulders.  But  behold 
they  grew  forth  again  like  branches  of  a tree.  At 
last  the  Evil  One,  in  the  guise  of  a skilled  physician, 
presented  himself  before  Zohak,  and  advised  him  to 
do  no  injury  to  the  serpents,  but  to  feed  them  with 
the  brains  of  men,  in  the  hope  that  they  must  thus 
ultimately  perish.  Was  this  a subtle  design  to 
cause  the  destruction  of  mankind  7 Thus  early  do 


FERIDOON. 


5 


we  see  the  superstition  of  man  selling  himself 
to  the  Devil  illustrated  in  Persia  as  in  Europe.  All 
are  familiar  with  similar  tales  in  European  legends 
of  the  dark  ages. 

It  was  after  these  remarkable  events  that  great 
disturbances  broke  out  in  Persia  ; on  all  hands  was 
discord  and  strife.  Djemsheed,  belying  his  former 
character,  became  an  odious  tyrant  ; pretenders  to 
his  throne  raised  insurrections.  Finally,  a faction,  in 
despair,  turned  to  the  west  and  implored  the  aid  of 
Zohak  against  the  sovereign  who  had  now  become 
the  greatest  enemy  of  his  people.  Zohak  invaded 
Persia,  and  Djemsheed,  defeated  in  battle,  took 
flight,  abandoning  his  throne  to  Zohak.  For  many 
years  he  abode  in  exile  concealed.  When  all  sup- 
posed him  dead  and  had  quite  forgotten  him,  the 
exile  returned,  hoping  to  create  a rising  in  his  favor. 
But  Zohak  caused  him  to  be  seized  unawares  and 
sawn  asunder. 

Thus  was  the  fall  of  the  great  Djemsheed.  But 
the  good  deeds  he  accomplished  in  the  first  half  of 
his  reign  have  caused  his  memory  to  live,  and  to  the 
present  time  the  Persians  look  back  with  pride  to 
the  splendor  of  their  country  in  the  days  of  Shah 
Djemsheed.  But  Persia  groaned  under  the  tyranny 
of  Zohak.  She  had  simply  exchanged  one  tyrant 
for  another,  and  that  one  worse  than  his  predecessor. 
Each  day  two  young  men  of  the  flower  of  Persia’s 
youth  were  slain  to  gratify  the  furious  hunger  of  the 
serpents  of  Zohak.  But  in  time  the  servitors,  who 
acted  as  executioners  and  cooks,  devised  a scheme 
of  slaying  a sheep  in  the  stead  of  one  of  the  human 


6 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


victims,  and  permitting  him  to  escape,  on  condition 
that  he  fled  the  country  in  order  that  their  stratagem 
micrht  not  be  discovered. 

Finally  Zohak  dreamed  a dream  which  caused 
him  to  summon  all  the  mobeds,  or  wise  men,  into 
his  presence  to  interpret  his  vision.  Long  they 
hesitated,  until  one  of  their  number,  Zirek,  stood 
forth  and  dared  to  tell  the  king  that  the  dream  fore- 
told the  coming  of  a great  and  good  prince,  who 
should  hurl  him  from  the  throne  and  bind  him  in 
chains  on  the  mountains.  On  coming  to  his  senses 
after  falling  into  a swoon  from  fear,  Zohak  sent  mes- 
sengers into  every  quarter  of  his  empire  to  search 
out  and  bring  to  him  the  fateful  prince.  They 
sought  in  vain.  But  Feridoon,  for  such  was  his 
name,  was  daily  growing  in  strength  and  preparing 
for  the  noble  task  assigned  to  him  by  Providence. 
He  was  the  son  of  Abtin,  grandson  of  Shah  Djem- 
sheed,  and  Firanek,  daughter  of  Thehour,  king  of 
the  isles  of  Madjin. 

Learning  that  a glorious  son  had  been  born  to 
Abtin,  Zohak  caused  Abtin  to  be  seized  and  ex- 
ecuted. But  Firanek  escaped  with  Feridoon,  and 
placed  him  in  charge  of  a gardener,  who  had  a cow  of 
extraordinary  beauty  and  lineage,  named  Purmajeh, 
which  secretly  nourished  the  infant  for  three  months. 
But  the  secret  became  divulged,  and  when  the  mother 
heard  that  the  servants  of  Zohak  were  coming  to 
snatch  her  child  from  the  garden,  she  flew  hither, 
and  was  able  to  carry  Feridoon  to  the  moun- 
tains of  Elborz  before  the  coming  of  the  king’s 
executioners. 


FERIDOON, 


7 


Years  went  by  and  Feridoon  reached  manhood,  and 
descended  to  the  plains  to  try  his  fortune.  About  that 
time  Zohak,  oppressed  by  the  terrors  of  conscience, 
called  an  assembly  of  his  nobles,  and  required  them 
to  sign  a document  asserting  that  his  reign  had  been 
beneficial  to  Persia.  While  this  transaction  was  in 
progress  a cry  of  justice  was 
heard  at  the  palace  gate, 
and  a man  named  Kaweh, 
a blacksmith,  was  brought 
into  the  presence  of  the 
king.  ‘‘  Who  hath  wronged 
thee  ? ” demanded  Zohak. 

Kaweh  replied,  that  he 
asked  justice  and  redress 
for  the  sixteen  sons  who 
had  been  slain  one  by  one 
to  appease  the  serpents  of 
Zohak.  But  one  remained, 
and  he  in  turn  was  doomed 
to  the  same  fate.  With 
frantic  and  terrible  words 
the  blacksmith  made  the 
proud  and  cruel  monarch  palace  guard. 

tremble.  Appalled  by  the  rage  and  sorrow  of  a 
father,  whose  language  seemed  like  the  cry  of 
doom,  Zohak  ordered  the  only  remaining  son  of 
Kaweh  to  be  restored  to  him.  And  then  he  bade 
him  sign  the  document  which  the  noblemen  had 
already  signed.  On  learning  its  purport,  Kaweh 
burst  into  fierce  invectives  against  the  craven  nobles 
who  had  yielded  to  the  wishes  of  Zohak,  and  tearing 


8 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


the  document  in  twain,  rushed  forth  from  the  palace 
with  shouts  of  vengeance. 

In  the  market-place  a throng  gathered  around 
the  blacksmith,  who  summoned  the  world  to  rise 
and  restore  justice  to  her  throne.  Placing  his 
leathern  apron  on  a spear  he  proceeded  through  the 
city,  calling  on  all  to  follow  this  standard  and  sum- 
mon Feridoon  to  deliver  them  from  the  chains  of 
Zohak.  Feridoon  accepted  the  invitation  of  the  in- 
surgents, and  proclaimed  the  leathern  apron  as  the 
royal  standard,  causing  it  to  be  adorned  with  gold 
and  precious  stones  and  fringed  with  gayly  colored 
embroideries.  From  that  day,  until  the  Mohamme- 
dan conquest  many  centuries  later,  the  rude  leathern 
apron  of  Kaweh  the  blacksmith,  under  the  name  of 
Kaweianee,  was  the  standard  borne  at  the  head  of 
the  armies  of  Persia. 

Feridoon  having  carefully  laid  his  plans,  col- 
lected an  army,  and  accompanied  by  his  two  broth- 
ers, set  out  against  Zohak,  fired  with  a lofty  zeal  to 
free  his  country  and  avenge  his  father’s  death.  His 
warriors  were  mounted  on  swift  steeds.  On  the  way 
he  was  visited  by  an  angel  from  paradise,  who  came 
to  him  in  his  tent  at  night  to  foretell  the  varied  for- 
tunes that  he  was  to  encounter  and  bestow  on 
him  a magic  power  to  overcome  the  wiles  of  his  foes. 
But  the  brothers  of  Feridoon,  aware  of  the  visit  of 
the  celestial  messenger,  were  smitten  Avith  envy,  and 
conspired  to  slay  their  more  fortunate  brother. 
While  he  was  still  sleeping  calmly  in  his  tent  they 
hurled  an  enormous  rock  from  the  brow  of  a preci- 
pice, intending  it  to  fall  on  the  tent.  But  Feridoon 


FERIDOON. 


9 


was  awakened  by  the  sound  of  the  rolling  rock,  and 
by  instantly  using  the  magic  power  given  him  by  the 
angel,  arrested  the  stone  in  its  course. 

The  army  of  the  insurgents  arrived  at  last  on  the 
shores  of  the  Tigris,  and  Feridoon  with  his  mounted 
host  swam  across  the  turbid  flood  of  that  famous 
river  and  arrived  at  the  gates  of  the  proud  capital  of 
Zohak,  whose  palace  raised  its  towers  to  heaven. 
Feridoon  bore  an  iron  mace  with  a head  shaped  like 
a cow’s  head,  in  remembrance  of  the  cow  Purmajeh 
which  had  nourished  him.  Since  that  time  the  form 
of  a cow  has  been  a talismanic  sign,  an  omen  of 
good  fortune,  in  Persia,  engraved  on  seals  or  appear- 
ing on  maces  and  shields.  The  prince  smote  the 
great  gate  with  his  mace,  and  at  the  signal  his  army 
stormed  the  walls,  burst  in  the  gates,  and  put  the 
garrison  to  flight.  Feridoon  entered  the  palace  of 
Zohak,  but  that  proud  monarch  was  gone.  In  the 
apartments  of  the  women  the  victor  found  two 
daughters  of  Shah  Djemsheed,  whom  he  at  once  lib- 
erated. From  them  he  learned  the  hiding-place  of 
Zohak,  who  it  seems  was  seeking  to  retrieve  his  tot- 
tering fortunes  by  secret  conference  with  magicians. 

A swift  messenger  bore  to  Zohak  the  strange 
tidings  of  the  fall  of  his  capital.  Quickly  raising  an 
army,  the  usurper  rushed  home  to  expel  Feridoon 
from  his  palaces.  A terrible  battle  ensued  in  the 
streets ; the  populace  themselves  fought  against 
Zohak,  so  weary  were  they  of  his  tyranny.  But  he 
succeeded  in  penetrating  to  the  palace,  and,  furious 
with  jealousy,  was  about  to  slay  the  captive  daughters 
of  Djemsheed  whom  Feridoon  had  rescued  and  mar- 


10 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


ried,  but  he  was  met  by  the  young  hero,  who,  instead 
of  killing  Zohak,  made  him  his  captive  and  reserved 
him  for  a more  dreadful  doom. 

When  the  battle  was  over  and  the  victory  of  Feri- 
doon  was  complete,  he  marched  toward  the  great 
mountain  Demavend  in  the  north  of  Persia,  bearing 
with  him  the  deposed  tyrant  in  chains.  On  arriving 
at  the  mountain,  Feridoon  caused  search  to  be  made 
for  a deep,  narrow,  sunless  defile  in  the  heart  of  the 
Demavend,  where  was  a bottomless  cavern.  Iron 
clamps  were  made ; Zohak  was  stretched  on  the 
edge  of  the  precipice,  over  the  abyss,  and  bound  alive 
to  the  rock  by  the  clamps,  and  there  they  left  him 
to  fill  the  air  with  his  shrieks  and  groans  during  the 
coming  ages.^ 

The  first  act  of  the  good  Feridoon,  after  mounting 
the  throne  of  his  ancestors  was  to  send  a herald  to 
his  mother  Firanek,  who  was  dwelling  in  a secret 
hiding-place,  to  ask  her  blessing,  and  announce  to  her 
the  good  fortune  which  Heaven  had  vouchsafed  to 
him  and  to  Persia.  Good  fortune  favored  Feridoon 
for  many  years  ; his  reign  was  prosperous,  and  his 
people  happy  after  their  release  from  the  tyranny  of 
Zohak.  Three  sons  were  born  to  Feridoon,  and 
when  they  reached  the  age  of  manhood  he  caused 
search  to  be  made  for  three  princesses  worthy  of 
alliance  with  the  line  of  Djemsheed.  The  noble- 
man who  was  deputed  to  this  task  was  Djendil, 

* The  study  of  comparative  history  makes  it  clear  that  the  story  of 
Zohak  is  a record  in  poetic  form  of  an  invasion  of  Persia  by  the  As- 
syrians at  a time  when  the  reigning  dynasty  of  Djemsheed  had  fallen 
into  degeneracy. 


CONE  OF  MOUNT  DEMAVEND,  TAKEN  FROM  AN  ALTITUDE  OF  10,000  FEET. 


12 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


noted  for  his  intelligence  and  discretion  and  famed 
for  his  travels.  Far  and  wide  over  many  lands 
Djendil  made  inquiry  for  three  maidens  suited  by 
birth  and  character  to  become  the  daughters-in-law 
of  Feridoon.  But  nowhere  did  he  find  what  he 
sought  until  he  arrived  at  the  court  of  Serv,  the  king 
of  Yemen.  Seeing  that  in  the  three  fair  princesses 
of  Yemen  he  had  at  last  found  the  objects  of  his 
quest,  Djendil  in  many  lofty  and  learned  phrases, 
conveyed  to  the  king  of  Yemen  the  purpose  of  his 
coming,  and  in  the  name  of  Feridoon  proposed  their 
alliance  with  the  three  princes  of  the  royal  house  of 
Persia. 

The  king  of  Yemen  turned  pale  when  he  heard 
this  message,  but  replied,  good  father  as  he  was : 
“ I will  consult  with  my  daughters  and  learn  what 
is  their  will  in  this  matter.”  He  was  filled  with 
anguish  when  he  thought  of  having  his  daughters 
go  away  from  him  to  a far-off  land,  whence  they 
might  never,  return,  although  he  well  knew  that 
a marriage  alliance  with  the  king  of  Persia  was  a 
glory  to  be  sought  after,  and  also  that  it  is  the 
lot  of  parents  to  see  their  daughters  leave  them 
for  other  homes  when  they  reach  years  of  maturity. 
On  the  other  hand  the  king  of  Yemen  hesitated  to 
affront  so  great  a monarch  as  Feridoon  by  refusing 
the  honor.  He  therefore  summoned  his  nobles  in 
council  and  asked  their  advice. 

The  nobles  advised  a course  rather  more  haughty 
than  he  felt  justified  in  pursuing,  and  he  therefore 
followed  his  own  judgment.  He  took  a middle 
course.  Instead  of  definitely  accepting  or  rejecting 


FERIDOON. 


13 


the  offer,  he  stated  that  he  must  first  see  the  three 
brothers ; if  they  would  come  to  his  court,  and  he 
found  them  suited  to  marry  his  daughters,  he  would 
not  withold  his  consent.  This  was  an  unusual  pro- 
ceeding in  an  Oriental  country,  for  Persia  was  more 
powerful  than  Yemen,  and  it  is  customary  there  for 
the  bride  of  a prince  to  go  to  the  home  of  her  hus- 
band without  a previous  interview  with  the  father- 
in-law. 

Djendil  having  received  the  response  of  the  king 
of  Yemen,  kissed  the  throne,  and  returned  to  his 
royal  master,  who  summoned  his  three  sons  when  he 
heard  the  reply,  and  advised  them  as  follows  : “ The 

king  of  Yemen  is  head  of  a numerous  people;  he  is 
a cypress  that  casts  a shadow  afar.  He  has  three 
daughters  like  pearls;  he  has  no  sons,  and  these 
maidens  are  his  diadem.  I have  asked  them  for  you. 
But  it  is  now  necessary  that  you  repair  to  Yemen, 
and  that  you  conduct  yourselves  with  prudence  and 
circumspection ; pay  careful  attention  to  all  that  he 
shall  say  to  you  ; remembering  that  you  are  the  sons 
of  a king.  Listen,  therefore,  to  my  counsel,  and  if 
you  act  accordingly  you  shall  reap  happiness. 

The  king  of  Yemen  is  a man  of  great  shrewdness.’ 
Pie  is  wise,  upright,  and  powerful.  He  must  on  no 
account  discover  you  to  be  lacking  in  intelligence, 
for  he  will  undoubtedly  employ  devices  to  test  your 
character  and  ability.  He  will  decree  a banquet  on 
the  first  day  in  your  honor.  His  three  fair  daughters, 
lovely  as  gardens  in  spring-time  will  be  present.  He 
will  seat  them  on  the  throne-royal,  and  in  height  and 
appearance  they  will  strongly  resemble  each  other. 


14 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


The  youngest  of  the  three  will  enter  first,  the  oldest 
will  come  last,  and  the  second  will  come  between 
them.  He  will  place  the  youngest  next  to  the  oldest 
of  you ; the  eldest  next  to  the  youngest  prince,  and 
the  second  in  age  will  be  seated  next  to  the  one  of  you 
whose  age  is  between  his  brothers.  Note  this  point 
well ; for  thus  you  will  avoid  a disastrous  result. 
He  will  ask  you,  then,  to  designate  the  princesses 
according  to  their  age.  If  you  reply  correctly  he 
will  decide  in  your  favor.” 

Carefully  pondering  the  words  of  Feridoon,  the 
three  princes  set  out  on  the  long  journey  to  Yemen, 
escorted  by  numerous  warriors  clad  in  glittering 
mail.  When  Serv,  king  of  Yemen,  learned  that 
they  had  entered  the  borders  of  his  dominion,  he 
sent  forward  a troop  of  his  bravest  chieftains  to  ac- 
company them  to  his  capital ; and  when  the  princely 
brothers  entered  the  gates  of  the  city,  all  the  people 
came  forth  sprinkling  them  with  amber  and  saffron, 
and  pouring  out  wine  scented  with  musk.  The 
manes  of  the  steeds  were  fragrant  with  sweet  odors, 
and  they  trod  upon  coins  of  gold  scattered  broad- 
cast over  the  pavement.  The  palace  was  decorated 
like  paradise ; the  bricks  of  its  walls  were  covered 
with  silver  and  gold  and  hung  with  embroideries  of 
price. 

Here  the  king  of  Yemen  received  the  princes  and 
as  Feridoon  had  predicted,  he  now  brought  his  three 
daughters  hither,  glowing  in  their  beauty.  They 
were  seated  exactly  in  the  order  the  king  of  Persia  had 
foretold,  and  the  king  of  Yemen  then  asked  : “ which 
of  these  stars  is  the  youngest,  which  is  the  second, 


FERIDOON. 


15 


and  which  the  eldest?”  The  princes  replied  as  they 
had  been  advised  by  their  father,  and  thus  at  one 
stroke  warded  off  the  wiles  of  enchantment.  Serv, 
the  king  of  Yemen,  and  his  nobles  were  astounded. 
He  perceived  that  artifice  was  of  no  avail  to  keep 
his  daughters  at  home,  and  he  awarded  them,  ac- 
cording to  their  ages,  to  the  three  princes.  After  con-  ‘ 
versing  a while  as  to  the  future  and  the  plans  of  their 
lives,  the  three  sisters  arose  and  retired  to  their 
apartments,  blushing  with  mortification  at  the  dis- 
comfiture of  their  father. 

After  this  event,  being  still  unresigned  to  giving 
up  his  lovely  daughters,  Serv  ordered  wine  to  be 
brought  and  singers  to  enliven  the  watches  of  the 
night,  and  when  the  three  brothers  yielded  to  the 
wine  and  fell  asleep,  he  caused  them  to  be  laid  on 
couches  by  the  side  of  a fountain  of  rose-water,  un- 
der the  stars,  where  the  roses  diffused  balm  over 
their  slumber.  And  then  the  king  retired  and, 
master-magician  as  he  was,  devised  enchantments 
that  would  relieve  him  of  the  sad  necessity  of  losing 
his  daughters.  He  caused  a great  cold  and  a pierc- 
ing wind  to  arise,  and  a frost  able  to  kill  the  flowers 
of  the  gardens,  hoping  that  in  their  sleep  the  princes 
might  be  frozen  to  death.  But  instead  of  this  they 
were  awaked  by  the  terrible  cold,  and  by  their 
superior  intelligence  at  once  divined  the  cause  of 
this  change  in  the  weather,  and  thus  they  took 
means  to  resist  and  overcome  the  treachery  to 
which  they  had  been  exposed. 

When  the  sun  burst  above  the  mountain  tops,  the 
royal  magician  flew  to  the  garden  expecting  to  find 


1 6 THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA, 

the  three  princes  stiff  and  stark  and  dead,  and  thus 
his  daughters  would  be  left  to  comfort  him  in  his 
old  age.  But  he  found  the  brothers  seated  on  their 
couches  blooming  and  alive,  and  perceived  at  last 
that  against  them  no  arts  of  his  magic  could  avail. 

Then  the  king  of  Yemen  ordered  his  halls  of 
audience  to  be  prepared  and  the  nobles  of  his  realm 
to  assemble.  And  there,  too,  came  the  three  maidens, 
who,  had  hitherto  dwelt  in  seclusion  ; they  were 
adorned  with  crowns  and  jewels,  and  until  now  had 
never  known  sorrow.  Never  yet  had  trouble  touched 
their  fair,  dark  tresses.  And  there  he  bestowed  the 
three  treasures  of  his  heart  on  the  three  princes. 
But  in  the  bitterness  of  his  soul  he  said  : “ It  is  not 
Feridoon  who  is  the  cause  of  my  grief,  but  I myself. 
Know  that  he  who  hath  no  daughters  shall  be  spared 
the  pain  of  parting  with  them.”  Then  he  said  to 
the  wise  men  of  the  kingdom  : Kings  are  worthy 
to  be  husbands  of  stars  like  these.  Know  that  I 
have  given  my  beloved  daughters  to  these  princes, 
according  to  our  rites  and  customs,  to  cherish  and 
love  them  like  their  own  souls.” 

Then  the  order  went  forth  to  prepare  all  things 
agreeably  for  the  journey  of  the  sisters  to  their  new 
home.  The  king  spared  no  trouble  nor  expense  nor 
gifts  that  would  add  to  the  comfort  of  the  journey 
of  his  daughters.  Litters  carefully  arranged  for 
them  were  placed  on  the  backs  of  strong  camels, 
and  when  all  was  in  readiness  the  king ‘of  Yemen 
bade  farewell  to  his  children  and  returned  alone  to 
his  palace,  while  they  started  forth  with  the  three 
princes  on  the  long  journey  to  Persia. 


FERIDOON. 


17 

When  Feridoon  learned  that  his  sons  were  return- 
ing successful,  he  went  forth  to  meet  them.  Anxious 
to  put  their  courage  to  the  test,  he  took  the  shape 
of  a terrible  dragon,  roaring  and  vomiting  flames, 
and  attacked  the  eldest  of  the  brothers.  But  the 
prince  said  to  himself : “ A prudent  man  fighteth 
not  with  dragons,”  and  turned  and  fled.  Then  the 
dragon  flew  at  the  other  brothers  ; and  the  second 
brother  said  : What  matters  it  whether  it  be  a 

dragon  or  a warrior?  ” and  he  drew  his  bow  ; but  the 
youngest  son  tarried  not  afar,  but  full  of  fire  and 
fury  rushed  at  the  dragon,  crying  : “ Flee  from  our 
presence,  for  we  are  the  sons  of  Feridoon,  lions  that 
it  is  fatal  for  thee  to  resist  ! ” 

Feridoon  having  thus  divined  the  characters  of  the 
three  princes,  vanished.  But  having  resumed  his 
former  shape,  he  advanced  to  meet  them  with  great 
pomp,  and  returned  thanks  to  the  All-giver  for  their 
safe  and  happy  return.  On  arriving  at  the  palace 
he  summoned  the  brothers  in  to  his  presence  and 
informed  them  of  the  ruse  he  had  practised.  He 
rejoiced  at  the  opportunity  he  had  seized  of  testing 
their  characters,  and  now  for  the  first  time  did 
Feridoon  give  names  to  his  sons  suited  to  the 
opinion  he  had  formed  of  them.  The  eldest  he 
called  Seim,  the  next  he  called  Tour,  and  the  young- 
est Iredj.  As  he  named  them  in  turn  he  invoked 
for  each  the  blessing  of  God. 

After  this  ceremony  Feridoon  consulted  the  horo- 
scope to  divine  the  destiny  of  his  sons.  He  learned 
that  the  two  eldest  were  destined  to  success  and  re- 
nown, but  Iredj,  the  youngest  and  best  beloved, 


1 8 THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

although  possessed  of  such  brilliant  qualities,  was 
doomed  to  misfortune  and  a tragical  end.  Feridoon, 
deeply  pained  by  this  declaration,  now  proceeded 
to  divide  the  government  of  his  vast  empire  among 
the  three  brothers.  To  Seim  was  awarded  the  do- 
minion of  the  western  portion,  and  to  Tour  the 
eastern  provinces  reaching  even  to  China;  this 
division  of  Asia  has,  since  this  event,  been  called 
after  him  Touran.  But  notwithstanding  that  the 
stars  were  adverse  to  the  destiny  of  Iredj,  Feridoon 
selected  him  as  the  ablest  to  preside  over  the  heart 
of  the  empire,  or  Persia  itself. 

The  brothers  took  charge  of  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment, and  years  passed  on  during  which  the  empire 
was  at  peace.  But  Feridoon  was  growing  old  and 
full  of  years,  and  in  proportion  as  their  father  became 
feeble  the  two  eldest  brothers  became  jealous  of 
their  brother  Iredj,  who  was  destined  to  take  prece- 
dence of  them  on  the  death  of  Feridoon.  Consulting 
together  they  wickedly  conspired  and  sent  an  in- 
sulting message  to  Feridoon,  demanding  that  Iredj 
be  deprived  of  the  throne  of  Iran,  and  declaring  that 
if  this  were  not  done,  they  would  together  lead  an 
invasion  into  Persia  for  the  purpose  of  destroying 
Iredj  and  razing  the  capital  to  the  ground.  This 
haughty  message  was  borne  to  Feridoon  by  a herald 
mounted  on  a swift  dromedary. 

Entering  a palace  whose  towers  arose  toward 
heaven,  and  awed  by  the  pomp  and  magnificence  of 
the  royal  abode,  the  herald  was  admitted  to  the 
presence  of  Feridoon,  who  was  seated  on  his  lofty 
throne,  proud  and  venerable,  with  a snow-white  beard 


KING  SLAYS  EVIL  GENIUS. 
SCULPTURE  AT  PERSEPOLIS. 


19 


20 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


reaching  to  his  waist.  The  monarch  graciously  in- 
quired after  the  health  of  his  royal  sons,  and  whether 
they  continued  true  to  the  faith  of  their  fathers  and 
enjoyed  prosperity  and  peace  in  their  borders.  The 
envoy  replied  : ‘‘  O glorious  king,  live  forever  on 

thy  throne  of  splendor  ! I,  the  unworthy  slave  of  a 
king,  bring  unwillingly  to  the  emperor  a hard  mes- 
sage ; he  who  sends  it  is  responsible,  but  I am  in- 
nocent. I will  repeat,  with  the  king’s  permission, 
these  inconsiderate  words.”  Feridoon  replied: 
“Speak  on.”  He  listened  attentively,  and  his  soul 
kindled  with  fury.  He  sent  a message  in  reply  to  his 
sons,  advising  them  to  repent  without  delay  from  the 
rebellious  course  they  had  chosen. 

After  this,  Feridoon  communicated  the  matter  to 
his  beloved  son  Iredj  ; he  informed  him  that  in 
this  world  we  can  look  for  no  defenders  unless  we 
are  prepared  to  defend  surselves,  and  that  his  inno- 
cence and  rights  were  a strong  armor  to  him.  Homer 
uttered  the  same  sentiment  in  the  Iliad  when  he 
said:  “Thrice  armed  is  he  whose  cause  is  just.” 
Feridoon  advised  Iredj  to  collect  an  army  and 
prepare  to  resist  the  attack  of  his  brothers,  and  prom- 
ised him  all  the  resources  of  the  empire  in  the 
conflict. 

But  Iredj  replied  that  it  was  the  desire  of  his  life 
to  imitate  the  noble  example  of  his  royal  father  ; to 
do  good  and  not  evil  was  his  aim  ; he  did  not  care 
for  glory  and  power  at  the  expense  of  bloodshed, 
nor  did  he  seek  fratricidal  strife.  Instead  of  resort- 
ing to  arms,  therefore,  he  asked  the  permission  of 
Feridoon  to  go  to  meet  his  brothers  Tour  and  Seim, 


FERIDOON. 


21 


attended  only  by  a few  retainers,  hoping  by  words  of 
friendship  and  peace  to  abate  their  jealousy  and 
hate.  Finding  Iredj  firm  in  his  purpose,  Feridoon 
granted  the  request,  but  with  gloomy  forebodings. 
He  gave  him  a letter-royal  for  Tour  and  Seim,  and 
then  Iredj  set  forth  on  his  journey,  strong  in  the  jus- 
tice of  his  cause  and  the  purity  of  his  motives.  The 
two  brothers  were  in  council  surrounded  by  a great 
army,  when  Iredj  approached  without  suspicion  of 
impending  danger.  He  met  them  with  a counte- 
nance showing  brotherly  affection  and  kindness;  but 
they  received  him  with  lowering  looks.  The  hate  of 
the  two  brothers  was  deepened  when  they  saw  their 
troops  gazing  with  admiration  on  the  noble  bearing 
of  their  younger  brother.  They  upbraided  him 
with  usurping,  as  they  said,  the  throne  of  Persia. 
He  replied  that  the  right  had  been  conferred  on  him 
unsolicited  by  their  royal  sire  Feridoon.  But  rather 
than  be  the  cause  of  war  and  blood  he  would  will- 
ingly resign  his  rights  to  them.  This  generous 
reply,  instead  of  allaying  only  increased  the  wicked 
fury  of  the  two  brothers.  Tour  drew  a dagger  and 
smote  Iredj  to  the  heart.  The  brothers  then  em- 
balmed the  head  of  their  poor  victim,  and  sent  it 
with  an  insulting  message  to  their  aged  father 
Feridoon. 

Anxiously  looking  for  the  return  of  Iredj,  the  old 
monarch  had  the  walls  of  his  palace  re-adorned  to 
give  him  a joyous  welcome  home.  Musicians  and 
dancing-women  and  banquets  were  in  readiness  for 
the  happy  occasion.  But  Feridoon,  watching  from 
the  saddle  at  the  head  of  his  expectant  army,  only 


22 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


discovered  a solitary  dromedary  coming  from  the 
dusty  horizon,  and  a rider  with  sorrowful  eyes.  The 
rider  bore  a case  of  gold  which  he  presented  to  the 
king.  With  a grim  presentiment  be  caused  the  case 
of  gold  to  be  opened.  They  took  thence  a cloth  of 
silk,  and  when  the  silk  was  unrolled  the  aged  mon- 
arch looked  on  the  head  of  his  beloved  son.  Feri- 
doon  fell  from  his  horse  in  a swoon.  When  he 
came  to  his  senses  again  he  returned  to  the  city  on 
foot,  followed  by  his  army  lamenting,  and  with  ban- 
ners rent  in  twain. 

Pressing  the  head  of  Iredj  to  his  bosom,  the  old 
man  bent  Jiis  steps  to  the  now  forsaken  palace  of 
Iredj.  After  invoking  the  curse  of  the  All-just 
upon  the  slayers  of  his  son,  Feridoon  threw  himself 
on  the  grass,  and  with  locks  wet  with  dew  lay  night 
after  night  under  the  stars,  and  all  the  land  wept 
and  bemoaned  the  sorrow  which  had  come  on  the 
great  king. 

Although  their  father  w^as  old,  yet  Tour  and  Seim 
dared  not  lead  an  open  revolt  against  him,  for  he 
was  still  a hero,  and  in  his  despair  w^as  a danger- 
ous foe.  And  soon  a son  was  born  to  Iredj  by  his 
favorite  wife,  Mahaferid.  He  was  named  Minout- 
chehr.  But  Avhen  Tour  and  Seim  heard  that  the  son 
of  Iredj  was  a manly  youth,  who  would  in  time  seek 
to  avenge  the  murder  of  his  father,  they  devised  a 
scheme  to  get  him  into  their  power.  A messenger 
was  sent  by  them  to  Feridoon,  bearing  rich  gifts  and 
words  of  deep  remorse  for  the  cruel  assassination  of 
Iredj.  In  token  of  their  repentance  they  now  begged 
Feridoon  to  send  to  them  Minoutchehr,  the  son  of 


PERIDOON, 


23 


Iredj,  who  should  receive  from  them  ample  amends 
for  the  wrong  done  to  his  father.  But  the  aged 
kingr  discerned  the  craft  and  wickedness  of  the 
brothers.  He  bade  the  messenger  return  and  say 
to  them  that  they  should  not  again  have  it  in 
their  power  to  deceive  him,  but  to  prepare  for  the 
sure  retribution  that  awaited  them.  Conscience- 
stricken,  and  well  knowing  the  power  of  Persia,  the 
brothers  made  ready  their  forces  to  repel  the  vast 
host  which  Minoutchehr  was  leading  against  them. 
The  young  hero  had  inherited  the  wisdom  of  Feri- 
doon  and  the  virtues  of  Iredj,  and  the  leathern 
standard  of  Kaweh,  resplendent  with  jewels,  which 
never  yet  had  recoiled  before  the  foe,  was  carried 
before  them.  His  heart  was  nerved,  too,  with  a 
stern  resolve  to  destroy  the  murderers  of  his  father. 
Victory  attended  the  arms  of  Minoutchehr.  Tour 
was  first  defeated  and  slain,  and  after  him  Seim  was 
completely  overthrown,  and  his  head  was  cut  off  by 
the  redoubtable  sword  of  Minoutchehr. 

Having  seen  his  son  avenged,  Feridoon,  the  great 
and  good  king,  descended  in  turn  to  the  tomb,  old 
and  full  of  years,  and  Minoutchehr  succeeded  him 
on  the  throne. 

The  greatest  poet  of  Persia  has  beautifully  said : 
“Feridoon  the  glorious  was  not  an  angel;  he  was 
not  made  of  musk  and  amber;  it  was  by  his  justice 
and  his  generosity  that  he  won  his  great  renown. 
Be  just  and  generous,  and  thou  shalt  be  like 
Feridoon.” 


II. 

Z A L. 

When  Minoutchehr  assumed  the  crown  of  the 
dynasty  of  the  Keianides,  he  announced  his  intention 
to  reign  over  his  vast  dominions  with  humanity  and 
justice,  and  as  a servant  of  God,  the  ruler  of  the  uni- 
verse. In  the  name  of  all  the  nobles  assembled  on 
this  august  occasion,  the  great  Pehlevan  or  warrior 
Sahm,  the  son  of  Neriman,  arose  and  promised  their 
allegiance  and  aid  in  all  the  plans  and  enterprises 
which  the  young  monarch  should  undertake  for  the 
good  of  his  subjects. 

The  nobles  then  dispersed,  and  Sahm  returned  to 
Seistan,  the  hereditary  province  which  was  under 
his  control.  The  house  of  Sahm  is  perhaps  the  most 
celebrated  in  the  legends  of  Persia,  and  had  vast  in- 
fluence in  shaping  her  destinies.  It  is  therefore  a 
pleasure  to  give  here  a narrative  of  the  many  ro- 
mantic events  and  heroic  characters  which  marked 
the  career  of  the  great  family  of  Sahm,  the  son  of 
Neriman.  It  came  to  pass,  after  the  return  of  Sahm 
to  Seistan,  that  a son  was  born  to  him  of  extraordi- 
nary beauty.  But  although  Sahm  had  longed  for  a 
son  to  perpetuate  the  line,  yet  for  seven  days  no  one 
dared  announce  to  the  father  that  a son  was  born  to 


24 


25 


ZAL. 

him,  for  the  hair  of  the  infant  was  white.  All  the 
women  of  the  household  were  in  tears,  for  they 
dreaded  the  result  when  Sahm  should  learn  of  the 
white  hair  of  his  child,~such  an  unfortunate  omen  is 
it  considered  in  Persia  to  have  light  hair  and  blue 
eyes. 

At  last  a nurse  was  found  of  courage  sufficient  to 
enter  the  father’s  presence,  who,  after  saying, 
“ May  the  years  of  Sahm  the  hero  be  happy,  and 
may  the  heart  of  his  enemies  be  rent  asunder!  ” pro- 
ceeded to  tell  him  of  the  little  son  that  was  in  the 
apartments  of  the  women.  Sahm  followed  her  hither 
but  when  the  curtain  was  raised  and  he  saw  that  the 
fair  infant  was  white-haired,  his  senses  seemed  to 
depart  from  him  with  horror  at  what  he  deemed 
an  ill-portent  to  his  fortunes,  he  dreaded  also  the 
mockery  of  men  when  they  should  hear  of  it. 
Nothing  could  appease  his  rage.  He  doomed  the 
poor  infant  to  be  exposed  on  the  summit  of  the 
Elborz  mountains.  But  a great  bird,  called  the 
Simurgh,  had  its  nest  there,  and  when  it  heard  the 
wailings  of  the  child,  the  bird  tenderly  lifted  him 
from  the  rocks,  and  carried  him  to  its  nest,  and  fed 
him  on  tender  venison  until  he  grew  to  manhood, 
hardy  and  well-formed.  But  Sahm  had  a dream, 
which  the  mobeds,  or  wise  men,  interpreted  to  mean 
that  his  son  was  still  alive  on  the  Elborz,  and  that, 
after  asking  the  forgiveness  of  Heaven  for  his  cruelty 
to  his  son,  it  was  his  duty  to  reclaim  and  bring  him 
home  from  the  wild  eyrie  of  the  Simurgh. 

Sahm  listened  to  the  words  of  the  mobeds.  He 
hastened  to  the  Elborz  and  found  his  son  dwelling 


26  THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

on  the  pinnacles  of  the  mountain.  From  the  foot  of 
the  inaccessible  rock  Salim  beheld  his  son,  a youth  of 
heroic  mould,  standing  on  the  nest  of  the  Simurgh 
and  gazing  like  a king  over  the  world.  But  there 
was  no  way  to  reach  him,  and  while  Sahm  was  im- 
patiently searching  for  a means  to  communicate  with 
his  son,  the  Simurgh  beheld  the  father  and  divined 
for  what  purpose  he  had  come.  He  told  the  youth, 
who  yet  knew  nothing  of  men,  that  the  hour  had 
come  for  him  to  return  to  his  native  land ; the 
faithful  bird  plucked  a feather  from  its  plumage 
and  bade  the  youth  carry  it  with  him  ; in  after  life, 
if  sore  beset  by  trouble,  he  was  to  throw  the  feather 
into  the  fire,  and  immediately  the  Simurgh  would 
come  to  his  aid  and  show  him  a way  out  of  the  dififi- 
culty.  Then  it  took  him  on  its  wings  and  bore  him 
to  his  father.  Sahm  received  his  son  with  joy ; he 
begged  him  to  forgive  his  early  sin  in  exposing  him, 
and  bestowed  on  him  the  name  Zal-Zer.  The 
cymbals  and  the  kettle-drums  of  the  army  pealed  a 
welcome,  and,  clad  in  purple  and  mounted  upon  a 
noble  steed,  the  youth  returned,  crowned  with  honors, 
to  the  palace  from  which  he  had  been  driven  a naked 
and  wailing  infant. 

After  these  events  King  Minoutchehr  ordered  Sahm 
to  march  with  an  army  against  the  rebels  who  had 
arisen  in  the  north  of  Persia.  Sahm  constituted  Zal 
the  governor  of  Seistan  during  his  absence.  Zal 
found  this  a fit  opportunity  to  make  the  acquaintance 
of  some  of  his  neighbors,  and,  among  others,  visited 
Mihrab,  the  king  of  Kabool.  He  was  tributary  to 
Minoutchehr,  but  owing  to  his  being  connected  with 


ZAL. 


27 


the  line  of  Zohak,  the  deposed  tyrant  and  usurper, 
there  seems  to  have  been  little  cordiality  between 
the  king  of  Persia  and  his  feudatory  viceroy,  Mihrab. 
While  at  Kabool,  Zal  learned  of  the  extraordinary 
beauty  and  accomplishments  of  Roodabeh,  the 
daughter  of  Mihrab  and  Sindocht.  Roodabeh  like- 
wise heard  her  maidens  sing  of  the  manly  virtues  of 
Zal,  the  son  of  Sahm,  the  son  of  Neriman.  The  result 
can  easily  be  foreseen  ; they  were  a pair  worthy  of 
each  other ; and  without  having  yet  met,  were 
already  madly  in  love.  The  maidens  of  Roodabeh 
contrived  to  inform  the  young  hero  of  the  state 
of  the  feelings  of  their  mistress  towards  him,  and  a 
secret  interview  was  planned.  It  may  be  asked  why 
such  secrecy  between  a prince  and  princess  of  equal 
rank?  but  her  descent  from  the  house  of  Zohak 
made  it  highly  improbable  that  either  the  king  of 
Persia  or  Mihrab  would  consent  to  their  union. 

When  Zal  arrived  at  the  foot  of  the  tower  where 
Roodabeh  was  awaiting  him,  his  difficulties  only  be- 
gan. The  gates  were  closed,  and  he  had  no  ladder. 
The  maiden  loosened  the  long  tresses,  of  which  she 
had  such  store,  and,  leaning  out  of  the  window,  bade 
him  raise  himself  by  her  hair.  But  he  unloosed  the 
lasso,  which  the  warriors  of  Persia  used  so  skilfully 
in  those  times  and  flung  it  over  one  of  the  battle- 
ments instead,  and  thus  he  was  able  to  pull  himself  up 
to  the  top  of  the  wall.  But  Mihrab  and  Sindocht  were 
filled  with  wrath  when  they  learned  of  the  secret 
interviews  of  the  lovers,  and  utterly  forbade  all  hope 
of  their  marriage.  Fortunately  it  occurred  to  Zal 
in  this  predicament  to  lay  the  whole  matter  before 


28 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


Sahm,  his  father,  in  a letter  sent  by  a swift  messenger. 
The  matter  appeared  of  such  importanceto  Sahm  that 
he  called  his  wise  men  before  him  to  give  him  their 
advice,  for  such  was  his  love  for  his  son  that  he  did 
not  wish  hastily  to  decide  against  the  ardent  hopes 
of  the  young  viceroy.  The  wise  men  consulted  the 
stars  long  and  carefully  ; they  returned  to  Sahm  with 
smiling  countenances  and  announced  that  a happy 
issue  was  destined  for  the  marriage  of  Zal  and 
Roodabeh  ; and  Sahm  caused  gold  and  silver  to  be 
bounteously  distributed  to  the  wise  men,  for  their 
decision  had  given  his  troubled  heart  repose. 

When  the  good  tidings  that  Sahm  had  given  his 
consent  was  received,  Roodabeh  caused  the  woman 
who  brought  the  news  to  her  to  be  showered  with 
coins  of  gold,  and  ordered  her  to  be  clothed  in 
new  vestments.  But  Mihrab  was  furious  on  learn- 
ing this  decision,  desiring  no  alliance  between  the 
line  of  Zohak  and  the  race  of  Persia. 

Word  of  these  transactions  also  came  to  the  ear  of 
King  Minoutchehr;  although  greatly  disturbed  at 
the  possibility  of  any  of  the  race  of  Zohak  regaining 
influence  in  Iran,  yet  he  decided  to  act  with  modera- 
tion and  wisdom.  But  reflection  only  increased  his 
wrath  against  Mihrab,  who  seemed  to  him  to  be 
subtly  acting  in  such  a way  as  once  more  to  bring 
Persia  under  the  hated  influence  of  the  house  of 
Zohak.  Forthwith  he  ordered  Sahm  to  return  with 
his  victorious  troops  from  the  north,  and  march 
against  and  overthrow  and  destroy  Mihrab  and  all 
his  family.  It  was  as  Mihrab  had  foreseen.  The  love 
of  Zal  and  Roodabeh  seemed  about  to  prove  his 


REPRESENTATTONS  OF  PERSIAN  MYTHOLOGY,  FROM  AN  ANCIENT 


29 


RECORD. 


30 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


destruction.  When  Zal  heard  of  the  approach  of 
Sahm,  he  swore  a loud  oath  that  even  if  a dragon 
breathing  fire  were  to  come  against  Kabool,  they 
must  first  cleave  off  his  own  head  before  he  could 
capture  the  place.  And  then  he  went  forth  to  meet 
his  father,  confident  in  the  promise  that  Sahm  had 
given,  to  permit  the  marriage  of  Zal  and  Roodabeh. 

When  Zal  entered  the  presence  of  Sahm,  he  saluted 
him  with  all  honor,  and  in  passionate  but  respectful 
terms  upbraided  him  forthe  course  he  was  taking.  He 
reminded  his  father  that,  when  he  was  an  infant,  he 
had  exposed  him  on  the  top  of  a mountain,  regard- 
less that  it  is  God  who  giveth  black  hairs  and  white, 
and  had  left  him  to  be  sustained  by  the  mercies  of  a 
wild  bird  of  the  peaks,  to  whom  indeed  he  was  more 
indebted  for  life  than  to  him.  And,  now  that  his 
son  had  reached  years  of  manhood  and  lived  a true 
life,  again  it  was  the  father  who,  in  spite  of  his 
promise,  was  thwarting  him  and  bringing  sorrow  to 
his  heart  by  seeking  to  destroy  Kabool,  where  Zal 
sojourned  and  was  happy. 

Sahm  listened  attentively,  and  acknowledging  the 
justice  of  what  Zal  had  said,  replied  that  a remedy 
must  be  found  to  settle  the  difficult  question  with 
which  he  had  to  deal.  He  decided  to  send  Zal  him- 
self to  King  Minoutchehr,  with  a letter,  there  to 
plead  his  own  cause  with  the  stern  but  not  un- 
reasoning monarch.  While  Zal  was  gone  on  his 
hazardous  errand,  Sahm  and  his  army  reposed  amid 
the  vineyards  and  rose-gardens  of  the  well-watered 
land  where  they  were  encamped.  Swift  as  arrows 
from  the  bow  the  impatient  young  lover  and  his 


ZAL. 


31 


attendant  warriors  flew  over  mountain  and  plain, 
until  their  panting  steeds  brought  them  to  the  lordly 
gates  of  Persia’s  capital. 

While  these  events  were  occurring,  Mihrab  was 
filled  with  rage  and  anxiety,  for  the  large  army  of 
Persia,  under  the  redoubtable  chieftain  Sahm,  was  on 
his  borders,  and  he  expected  daily  to  be  attacked 
and  destroyed  by  an  overwhelming  host.  Thus 
brooding,  Mihrab  vented  his  fury  on  his  wife  Sin- 
docht,  and  their  lovely  daughter  Roodabeh.  To 
appease  her  husband,  and  perhaps  save  her  life  and 
her  daughter’s,  Sindocht  offered  herself  to  carry  a 
present,  composed  of  the  most  valued  treasures  of 
Kabool,  to  Sahm,  and  urge  him  to  treat  them  kindly. 
It  was  no  small  thing  for  a princess  to  go  thus  to 
the  camp  of  an  enemy.  But  the  result  proved  favor- 
able, for  Sahm  not  only  received  her  graciously,  but 
also,  in  the  name  of  Zal,  accepted  the  magnificent 
presents  she  brought.  He  bade  her  return  reassured 
to  Kabool,  saying  : ‘‘  Let  not  your  heart  be  troubled, 
for  all  will  end  according  to  your  desires.” 

Immediately  on  arriving  at  the  court,  Zal  was  sum- 
moned to  an  audience  of  King  Minoutchehr,  who 
received  him  graciously.  After  reading  the  letter 
of  Sahm,  the  king  smiled,  and  said  : “ Although  this 
is  a question  which  arouses  my  fears  of  future  diffi- 
culties, yet  all  that  you  desire  shall  be  granted.” 

After  this  a royal  banquet  was  served,  with  dishes 
of  silver  and  gold,  on  a table  covered  with  beaten 
gold.  Minoutchehr  invited  Zal  and  the  great  nobles 
of  the  court  to  sit  with  him  ; after  the  banquet,  wine 
was  brought  in  another  hall,  and  the  feasting  con- 


32 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


tinued  until  late.  Then  Zal  mounted  his  steed  and 
returned  to  his  quarters,  leaving  the  king  well  pleased 
with  the  bearing  of  his  young  and  noble  subject. 
At  early  morning,  according  to  the  custom  of  a 
warm  country  like  Persia,  King  Minoutchehr  seated 
himself  again  on  his  throne,  and  the  nobles  and 
warriors  gathered  before  him  to  consult  of  the  affairs 
of  the  empire.  On  this  occasion  the  king  com- 
manded the  mobeds,  or  wise  men  of  Persia,  to  put 
Zal  to  a supreme  ordeal.  The  ordeal  consisted  of  five 
riddles,  proposed  in  poetic  language  and  requiring  a 
high  degree  of  intelligence  for  their  solution.  Zal 
acquitted  himself  with  such  success  that  the  king  of 
kings  himself  condescended  to  express  his  gratifica- 
tion, and  ordered  another  banquet  to  be  served. 

At  the  audience  of  the  following  morning  Zal 
respectfully  requested  the  king’s  permission  to  depart. 
But  Minoutchehr  replied  that  a final  test  of  the  mer- 
its of  Zal  must  yet  occur.  He  must  have  an  exhibition 
of  the  athletic  skill  and  heroism  of  the  young  warrior 
before  he  could  grant  a free  permission  to  his  re- 
quest. The  champions  of  the  empire  were  sum- 
moned to  meet  on  the  grand  square  before  the  palace, 
to  compete  with  Zal.  It  was  a severe  test,  and  many 
a time,  doubtless,  the  heart  of  the  hero  trembled 
with  dread  lest  he  should  fall  short  of  the  approval 
of  the  monarch,  and  thus  fail  of  winning  his  bride. 
But  in  the  exercises  with  the  bow,  the  javelin,  and 
the  mace,  and  in  exhibitions  of  horsemanship,  Zal 
outstripped  every  competitor,  and  by  the  remarkable 
feats  of  his  skill  and  strength  and  courage,  aroused 
the  amazement  of  the  king  and  the  entire  court. 


ZAL. 


33 


Minoutchehr  blessed  Zal,  and  ordered  his  servants 
to  spread  before  him  a truly  noble  present  of 
ornaments  of  gold  and  gems,  of  slaves  and  horses, 
and  all  manner  of  precious  things  ; and  Zal  bowed  to 
the  earth  before  the  king,  and  kissed  his  feet.  And 
Minoutchehr  condescended  to  write  a letter  to  Sahm 
full  of  graciousness,  and  informing  him  that  he  had 
granted  all  the  wishes  of  his  great  son  Zal. 

Swift  messengers  were  sent  in  advance  to  announce 
the  return  of  Zal  to  Kabool,  and  Mihrab  and  Sin- 
docht  caused  their  palace  to  be  gloriously  adorned 
and  prepared  for  the  marriage  of  Zal  and  Roodabeh. 
For  seven  days  the  wedding  festivities  continued. 
At  the  end  the  horses  and  the  camels  were  made 
ready,  and  Roodabeh,  blooming  and  happy,  accom- 
panied her  bridegroom  to  the  bowers  of  Seistan.  In 
due  season  a son  was  born  to  Zal  and  Roodabeh. 
At  his  birth  Zal  threw  the  feather  given  him  by  the 
Simurgh  into  the  fire,  and  the  Simurgh  appeared  ; by 
her  aid  the  infant  had  a happy  entrance  into  life. 
He  proved  to  be  a child  of  wonderful  size  and 
beauty,  and  they  called  him  Rustem.  Before  return- 
ing to  the  mountain  eyrie,  the  Simurgh  blessed  the 
infant,  predicting  for  him  a long  and  glorious  career, 
and  again  left  one  of  her  feathers  for  use  in  case 
another  time  of  need  should  come  to  the  house  of 
Sahm. 


III. 

RUSTEM. 

We  head  this  chapter  with  the  name  of  the  great 
hero  of  Persia,  because  during  four  reigns  he  was 
engaged  in  all  the  leading  events  which  occurred  in 
that  country.  By  his  powerful  arm  her  monarchs 
were  strengthened  on  the  throne,  or  rescued  from 
the  difficulties  in  which  their  own  follies  had  thrown 
them  ; by  his  prowess  the  enemies  of  Iran  were 
over  and  over  again  repelled  from  her  borders.  The 
mighty  deeds  of  Rustem  and  his  noble  charger 
Raksch  have  made  an  indelible  impression  on  the 
legends  of  Persia,  and  his  name  has  rung  over  many 
a battle-field  since  then  as  a watchword  of  triumph. 

Although  it  does  not  appear  from  the  legends  that 
there  was  a formal  division  of  the  Persian  empire 
after  Minoutchehr  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  his 
grandfather  Feridoon,  yet  we  are  left  to  infer  that 
the  somewhat  loose  bonds  that  united  the  provinces 
to  the  parent  country  gradually  became  without 
force,  notwithstanding  the  victories  of  Minoutchehr 
over  Seim  and  Tour.  The  regions  under  the 
sceptre  of  Tour,  which  are  now  called  by  the  gen- 
eral name  of  Tartary,  began  to  be  called  Touran, 
and  came  under  the  rule  of  Afrasiab,  who,  during  a 


34 


RUSTEM. 


35 


long  reign,  waged  terrible  wars  with  Persia,  in  which 
the  victory  was  sometimes  on  one  side  and  some- 
times on  the  other.  In  these  wars  it  was  that  Rus- 
tem was  chiefly  engaged. 

The  first  exploit  of  Rustem  was  the  capture  of 
Sipend.  This  was  a place  situated  on  a steep  emi- 
nence, and  impregnable  ; it  was  guarded  by  a strong 
garrison.  The  young  warrior  hid  a number  of  his 
braves  in  cases,  such  as  were  used  for  carrying  salt, 
and  loaded  them  on  camels.  In  the  guise  of  a 
camel-driver,  Rustem  led  the  caravan  to  the  gates. 
To  the  demand  as  to  what  was  on  the  camels,  the 
reply  was,  salt.  As  the  people  of  the  beleaguered 
town  were  in  need  of  this  article,  the  governor  gladly 
admitted  the  caravan.  From  the  fact  that  more 
care  was  not  taken  to  ascertain  the  character  of  the 
loads,  it  is  evident  that  stratagem  was  not  often  re- 
sorted to  in  the  wars  of  that  period.  The  people 
gladly  welcomed  the  supply  of  salt,  but  as  it  was  now 
toward  night  the  opening  of  the  cases  was  deferred 
until  the  following  days,  and  the  people  gave  them- 
selves up  to  feasting.  But  when  the  town  was 
asleep,  Rustem  arose  at  dead  of  night  and  released 
his  companions,  and  a furious  attack  on  the  garrison 
at  once  began.  A furious  fight  in  the  streets  resulted 
in  the  slaughter  of  the  governor  and  the  greater  part 
of  the  people  in  Sipend.  On  the  return  of  Rustem 
to  Seistan,  his  mother,  Roodabeh,  clasped  him  to 
her  arms,  and  with  motherly  pride  gave  him  her 
blessing ; but  when  Sahm  heard  the  tidings  he 
bestowed  a robe  of  honor  and  a steed  of  price  on 
the  herald  who  brought  the  good  news. 


36 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


About  this  time  King  Minoutchehr  died  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Newder,  who  began  his 
reign  by  such  injustice  and  tyranny  that  the  nobles 
revolted.  In  this  crisis  of  affairs  Newder  called 
upon  Sahm  to  render  assistance  in  restoring  order  to 
the  kingdom.  Sahm  obeyed  the  summons  of  a sov- 
ereign whom  in  his  heart  he  could  only  regard  with 
contempt,  and  returned  home  from  the  wars  in  which 
he  was  engaged.  On  the  way  he  was  met  by  the 
nobles  of  Persia,  who,  loudly  complaining  of  the  tyr- 
anny of  Newder,  offered  the  crown  to  Sahm,  who 
was  now  old  and  venerated  by  all.  But  the  hero 
who  for  so  long  a period  had  faithfully  served  his 
country,  was  not  at  the  last  to  prove  unfaithful  to 
his  duty.  Sahm  sternly  declined  the  proffered 
honor ; instead  of  this,  he  proceeded  to  advise  the 
nobles  to  return  to  their  allegiance,  and  gave  King 
Newder  some  wise  counsel,  which  for  a time  had 
some  effect.  But  after  this  the  kingdom  of  Persia 
was  invaded  by  Afrasiab,  who  defeated  Newder  and 
captured  him  in  a severe  battle.  Afrasiab  put  his 
royal  prisoner  to  death,  which  was  doubtless  an  ad- 
vantage to  Persia  in  one  respect,  for  it  freed  her 
from  the  authority  of  a sovereign  ill-fitted  to  com- 
mand her  destinies. 

Zal  now  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  throne,  and  in- 
stead of  retaining  it  for  himself,  as  it  appears  he  might 
have  done,  placed  on  it,  instead,  a collateral  descend- 
ant of  Feridoon,  named  Zeff,  who  for  five  years  ruled 
wisely,  and  somewhat  restored  Persia  after  her  mis- 
fortunes. He  was  succeeded  by  Guerschap,  who  had 
immediately  to  repel  an  invasion  of  the  Turks  of 


RUSTEM. 


37 


Touran,  under  the  redoubtable  monarch  Afrasiab. 
It  was  in  this  campaign  that  Rustem,  who  now  first 
entered  into  a great  war,  rode  his  famous  roan 
charger  Raksch.  From  a large  troop  of  horses  he 
selected  this  noble  colt,  threw  a lasso  over  his  head, 
and  mounted  him  in  spite  of  the  fierce  struggles  of 
the  dam,  who  proudly  sought  to  protect  her  off- 
spring from  the  saddle. 

Guerschap  died  childless  during  this  campaign, 
and  Persia  was  again  without  a king.  Rustem  was 
immediately  despatched  to  summon  a chieftain  of 
the  house  of  Feridoon  who  dwelt  in  concealment 
near  the  Elborz  mountains,  to  ascend  the  throne. 
His  name  was  Keikobad.  The  young  king  imme- 
diately took  the  head  of  his  army  and  led  his  host 
against  the  invaders.  Rustem  performed  prodigies 
of  valor,  and  Afrasiab  was  forced  to  sue  for  peace. 
But  the  glorious  reign  of  Keikobad  was  of  short  du- 
ration. He  died  at  his  capital,  Istakhar,  better 
known  in  other  lands  by  the  name  of  Persepolis,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Kei  Kaoos,  who  reigned  for  many 
years,  but  proved  himself  a weak  and  capricious 
monarch,  who  might  have  ruined  the  empire  he  had 
inherited  but  for  the  powerful  support  of  Rustem 
and  other  chieftains  of  renown. 

Kei  Kaoos  began  his  reign  by  undertaking  an  ill- 
advised  war  with  the  hardy  mountaineers  of  Mazan- 
deran,  as  it  is  called  in  Persia,  but  known  in  our 
histories  as  Hyrcania.  P'rom  the  time  of  Shah 
Djemsheed,  the  kings  of  Persia  had  been  engaged  in 
indecisive  conflicts  with  the  people  of  that  region, 
who,  in  their  mountain  fastnesses,  could  resist  the 


3B 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


strongest  armies.  Kei  Kaoos  thought  that  his  own  in- 
experienced arm  could  wage  war  against  Mazanderan 
unaided  by  the  great  leaders  of  his  armies.  But  he 
found  his  mistake  to  his  cost,  for  he  was  surrounded 
by  the  mountaineers  and  was 
forced  to  send  swift  mes- 
sengers to  Zal  and  Rustem  to 
hasten  to  his  rescue.  Rapid- 
ly collecting  an  army,  father 
and  son  urged  their  forces 
northward,  and  after  much 
severe  fighting  succeeded  in 
extracting  Kei  Kaoos  out  of 
the  predicament  in  which  his 
folly  had  brought  him.  In  this 
ANAHiTA,  OR  PERSIAN  VENUS.  wsiY  Rustcm  distingu islicd 
himself  especially  by  several  great  exploits  which  in 
the  legends  of  Persia  are  called  the  seven  adventures 


of  Rustem.  The  chief  of  these  adventures  seems  to 
have  been  the  overthrow  of  the  Deeve  Sefeed,  or 
White  Demon,  a name  the  Persians  applied  to  a 
tribe  of  unusual  ferocity,  who,  from  their  light  com- 
plexions and  hair,  received  the  title  of  white. 

Having  been  delivered  from  this  great  peril,  Kei 
Kaoos  decided  to  set  out  on  a journey  through  his 
dominions  with  great  pomp,  attended  by  an  immense 
train  of  warriors,  nobles,  wives,  and  slaves,  and  with 
the  music  of  trumpets  and  cymbals  and  drums,  ex- 
actly as  the  monarchs  of  Persia  have  been  accus- 
tomed to  take  their  journeys  from  that  time  to  this 
day.  But  while  the  king  of  Persia  was  engaged  in 
these  pageants,  word  came  to  him,  like  a flash  of 


RUSTEM. 


39 


lightning  out  of  a clear  sky,  that  the  people  of  Syria, 
on  the  borders  of  the  Mediterranean,  one  of  the 
provinces  of  Kaoos,  had  revolted  under  the  leader- 
ship of  a powerful  chieftain,  who  had  declared  his 
independence  of  Persia.  With  an  immense  army, 
Kei  Kaoos  marched  against  the  rebels,  and  gra- 
ciously granted  pardon  to  the  satrap  who  had  re-‘ 
belled.  But  he  demanded,  as  a condition  of  peace, 
the  daughter  of  the  king  of  Syria,  whose  name  was 
Soudabeh.  Her  father  was  reluctant  to  part  with 
his  only  daughter,  but  Soudabeh  was  of  an  ambitious 
nature,  and  gladly  availed  herself  of  the  opportunity 
to  become  queen  of  a monarch  who  at  that  time  was 
the  most  powerful  sovereign  in  the  world.  After 
seven  days’  feasting,  Soudabeh  was  sent  to  King 
Kei  Kaoos,  attended  by  six  hundred  slaves,  and  of 
camels,  mules,  and  horses  one  thousand  each,  laden 
with  treasures  beyond  computation ; the  princess 
herself  was  mounted  on  a glittering  litter,  and  all 
manner  of  perfumes  loaded  the  air  about  the  royal 
train.  Thus  a bloody  war  was  followed  by  the  tri- 
umphs of  love. 

But  the  king  of  Hamaveram,  or  Syria,  had  yielded 
his  daughter  to  Kaoos  with  great  sadness  and  re- 
luctance. And  after  she  had  gone  to  the  camp  of 
Kaoos,  he  devised  a stratagem  for  regaining  posses- 
sion of  his  child.  In  pursuance  of  this  design,  the 
king  of  Syria  sent  an  invitation  to  Kaoos,  his  son-in- 
law,  to  accept  of  a banquet  in  the  halls  of  Syria’s 
king.  But  when  Soudabeh  heard  of  this,  she  urged 
her  royal  bridegroom  to  decline  the  invitation,  as 
she  divined  that  her  father  meant  no  good  by  the 


40 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


proposal.  But  Kaoos  would  not  be  convinced, 
having,  after  his  easy  victory  over  the  Syrians, 
formed  a mean  opinion  of  their  courage  to  dare  any 
further  attacks  against  him.  The  result  was  as 
Soudabeh  had  predicted.  After  several  days  of 
feasting  in  the  capital  of  Syria,  seeing  the  suspicions 
of  his  guest  lulled  by  the  bounteousness  of  his  hos- 
pitality, the  king  of  Syria  commanded  Kei  Kaoos 
and  his  chief  warriors  to  be  seized  and  thrown  bound 
into  the  dark  dungeons  of  a fortress  which  stood  on 
the  pinnacles  of  an  impregnable  height.  Happily, 
Zal  and  Rustem  were  not  present  at  the  time.  A 
band  of  veiled  women  was  then  ordered  by  the  king 
of  Syria  to  bring  his  daughter  from  the  camp  to  his 
palace.  But  Soudabeh,  with  wild  reproaches  for  the 
treachery  her  father  had  shown,  demanded  to  be  led 
to  her  husband.  Furious  that  she  now  preferred  her 
husband  to  a father  who  doted  on  her,  the  king  of 
Syria  permitted  her  to  share  the  captivity  of  Kaoos. 

Great  was  the  confusion  that  everywhere  broke 
forth  in  Persia  when  the  tidings  spread  that  her  king 
was  enchained  in  a dungeon.  On  all  sides  was  heard 
the  clangor  of  arms.  The  king  of  Syria,  on  the  one 
hand,  led  an  army  into  that  unhappy  country  to  sub- 
jugate it,  while  from  the  opposite  direction,  like  an  in- 
undation, the  hordes  of  Touran,  led  by  the  implacable 
enemy  of  Persia,  Afrasiab,  burst  over  the  borders, 
defeated  the  Syrians,  and  made  a conquest  of  Persia. 

Once  more  did  the  Persians  have  recourse  to  the 
great  house  of  Seistan,  and  Zal  and  Rustem  were 
summoned  by  the  popular  voice  to  redeem  their 
land  from  its  chains.  Rustem  sent  a secret  mes- 
senger, who  in  disguise  found  his  way  to  the  dungeon 


RUSTEM. 


41 


of  Kei  Kaoos,  and  bade  him  keep  up  good  courage, 
for  a great  army  was  coming  to  his  rescue.  Another 
messenger  was  sent 
to  the  king  of  Ham- 
averam,  summoning 
him  to  yield  up  the 
royal  prisoner  he 
had  won  by  treach- 
ery, or  prepare  for 
• the  destruction  that 
awaited  him  when 
Rustem  should  ap- 
pear at  the  head  of 
an  invincible  host. 

The  king  of  Ham- 
averam  sent  back  re- 
ply that  never  again 
should  Kei  Kaoos 
step  forth  from  his 
dungeon,  and  that 
he  was  ready  to  hurl 
back  Rustem  and 
his  army.  As  the 
frontiers  of  the  king 
of  Hamaveram  ex- 
tended as  far  as  the 
blue  sea  we  call  the 
Indian  Ocean,  and 
the  way  was  long  by 
land,  Rustem  embarked  his  forces  on  a fleet  of 
galleys  and  succeeded  thus  in  reaching  the  country 
of  the  enemy  safely.  The  sequel  may  be  foreseen, 
for  Rustem  was  there  ; and  hardly  had  the  combat 


AHRIMAZDAO. 


42 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


begun  when  the  enemy  fled  in  dismay  before  Rustem 
and  his  redoubtable  charger.  But  the  king  of  Ham- 
averam  sent  swift  runners  to  his  neighbors  the  kings 
of  Egypt  and  Barbary,  beseeching  their  aid.  They 
answered  his  appeal,  but  the  same  result  followed 
in  the  great  battle  they  fought  with  Rustem.  The 
king  of  Hamaveram  was  forced  to  sue  for  peace,  and 
restored  Kei  Kaoos  and  his  warriors  to  liberty,  to- 
gether with  Soudabeh.  Thus  once  more  had 
Rustem  proved  the  savior  of  his  country  and  king. 
In  addition  to  this  success,  Rustem  compelled  the 
king-  of  Hamaveram  and  his  allies  to  furnish  two 
hundred  thousand  men  to  aid  Kei  Kaoos  to  expel 
Afrasiab  from  Persia.  Heralds  were  also  sent  to 
demand  the  assistance  of  Greek  auxiliaries  in  the 
great  contest  that  was  now  close  at  hand. 

Having  completed  the  arrangements  for  recover- 
ing his  throne,  Kei  Kaoos  sent  a royal  letter  to 
Afrasiab  ordering  him  to  abandon  Persia  without 
delay.  Afrasiab  turned  pale  with  rage  and  sent  a 
haughty  and  insulting  reply.  In  the  campaign  Avhich 
followed,  the  great  Rustem  once  more  led  his  troops 
to  victory,  and  Afrasiab  and  his  armies  were  expelled 
from  Persia  with  great  slaughter.  For  some  years 
after  these  events  Kei  Kaoos  devoted  himself  to  re- 
storing his  dominions  to  their  former  prosperity,  hav- 
ing apparently  profited  by  the  hard  lessons  of  mis- 
fortune. Among  other  works,  he  caused  several 
magnificent  palaces  to  be  built,  and  this  seems  to  have 
been  an  important  era  in  the  progress  of  architecture 
in  Persia.  Kei  Kaoos  had  once  more  reached  a lofty 
pinnacle  of  power  and  splendor,  but  the  hero  of  his 
reign  who  had  reaped  the  glory  of  the  wars  was  Rustem. 


IV. 

SOHRAB. 

In  his  early  adventures  in  the  north,  Rustem  once 
on  a time  came  to  the  capital  of  the  feudatory  king 
of  Semenjan.  While  he  was  asleep  in  the  meadows 
his  horse  Raksch  strayed  away  and  Rustem  pro- 
ceeded to  Semenjan  in  hope  of  finding  him  there. 
There  he  learned  that  Raksch  had  been  found  by 
some  of  the  servants  of  the  king  and  was  stabled  at 
Semenjan  as  he  had  surmised.  But  when  about  to 
depart,  Rustem  yielded  to  the  urgent  invitation  of 
the  king  to  tarry  awhile  and  rest  himself  in  feasting 
and  repose.  He  little  thought  of  the  results  that 
would  follow  his  visit  to  Semenjan.  But  his  experi- 
ence was  that  of  many.  The  most  trifling  incidents 
often  give  occasion  to  events  of  far  reaching  import- 
ance. 

The  king  of  Semenjan  had  a fair  daughter  named 
Tehmimeh.  She  had  heard  of  the  great  Rustem — 
and  who  had  not,  for  the  fame  of  his  exploits  and 
his  virtue  and  grandeur  of  soul  had  already  spread 
far  and  wide,  although  he  was  yet  in  early  man- 
hood. Susceptible  as  she  was  beautiful,  the  noble 
maiden  of  Semenjan  made  her  preference  so  evident 
that  the  young  hero,  who  was  ardent  as  he  was 


43 


44 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


brave,  readily  yielded  to  the  power  of  her  fascina- 
tions. The  consent  of  the  king  of  Semenjan  having 
been  obtained,  Rustem  and  Tehmimeh  were  married 
with  all  the  rights  prescribed  by  law.  A peculiar 
feature  of  this  alliance,  of  which  the  results  will  ap- 
pear further  on,  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  king  of 
Semenjan  was  feudatory  to  Afrasiab  the  deadly 
enemy  of  Persia,  while  Rustem  was  her  greatest 
champion.  At  the  period  of  this  event  the  two 
countries  were  at  peace. 

But  the  hour  came  when  Rustem  must  leave  his 
blooming  bride  for  awhile  at  least.  Before  he  bade 
her  farewell,  to  return  to  his  home  far  in  the  south, 
he  gave  her  an  onyx  which  he  wore  on  his  arm,  bid- 
ding her,  if  she  should  have  a daughter  from  their 
union,  to  twine  the  gem  among  the  tresses  of  the 
child  under  a fortunate  star.  But  if  the  child  should 
prove  to  be  a boy,  he  bade  her  bind  the  onyx  to  his 
arm  as  his  father  had  worn  it,  predicting  for  him  a 
glorious  career.  With  many  sighs  and  tears 
Tehmimeh  parted  from  Rustem,  and  then  he  mount- 
ed Raksch  and  returned  to  Seistan. 

The  months  went  by,  and  then  to  the  lonely  bride 
of  Rustem  was  born  a son,  large  and  handsome  ; his 
eyes  and  his  mouth  were  lit  with  a smile  when  he 
was  born,  and  so  his  mother  called  him  Sohrab. 
She  sent  word  to  Rustem  that  a child  was  born  from 
their  love,  but  she  told  him  it  was  a girl,  lest  when 
the  boy  grew  older  his  father  should  send  for  him, 
and  thus  rob  her  of  her  treasure.  In  the  East,  strange 
as  it  may  seem,  boys  are  more  prized  than  girls. 

All  these  incidents  indicate  an  age  when  Persia  and 


SOHRAB. 


45 


the  neighboring  lands  were  thinly  peopled,  and  com- 
munications between  different  districts  were  rare  and 
tardy. 

While  still  of  tender  years,  Sohrab  showed  signs  of 
his  noble  lineage.  He  quickly  displayed  a love  for 
horses  and  feats  of  arms  ; he  was  of  a proud  and 
haughty  spirit,  and  conscious  of  his  lofty  descent,  in- 
sisted that  his  mother,  who  had  concealed  the  fact, 
should  inform  him  of  the  name  of  his  father.  She 
had  kept  the  affair  a secret,  lest  Sohrab  should  wish 
to  go  forth  and  seek  his  father,  Rustem.  Then 
Tehmimeh  revealed  to  Sohrab  the  secret  of  his  birth, 
and  showed  him  a bracelet,  composed  of  three  superb 
rubies  and  three  emeralds,  which  Rustem  had  sent 
when  he  learned  that  Tehmimeh  had  a daughter. 
“ It  is  thy  father  who  has  sent  this  to  you,  my  noble 
son ; thy  father  Rustem,  the  greatest  warrior  on  the 
earth,  and  he  the  scion  of  a great  race.”  And  then 
she  enjoined  Sohrab  to  keep  these  things  secret,  lest 
Afrasiab,  the  enemy  of  Rustem,  should  slay  Sohrab, 
or  lest  Rustem  should  send  for  his  son,  and  thus 
break  the  heart  of  his  mother  with  grief. 

Sohrab  grandly  replied  : “ This  is  not  a secret  that 
can  be  kept  ; for  the  whole  world  resounds  with  the 
mighty  deeds  of  Rustem.  Since  he  is  my  father,  I 
shall  go  to  his  aid  ; he  shall  become  king  of  Persia, 
and  together  we  shall  rule  the  world.”  After  this,  he 
caused  a steed  worthy  of  him  to  be  found,  and  with 
the  aid  of  his  grandfather,  the  king  of  Semenjan, 
made  preparations  to  go  in  quest  of  Rustem,  his 
father,  attended  by  a mighty  host.  But  when 
Afrasiab  heard  of  these  events,  he  held  counsel  with 


46 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


his  wise  men,  and  decided  openly  to  assist  Sohrab  in 
his  enterprise,  in  the  expectation  that  in  the  war 
which  ensued  both  Rustem  and  Sohrab  would  fall, 
and  Persia  be  then  at  his  mercy.  He  sent  an  army 
of  auxiliaries  to  Sohrab,  and  also  two  astute  courtiers, 
named  Houman  and  Barman.  They  were,  under  the 
guise  of  friendship,  to  assume  the  position  of  counsel- 
lors to  Sohrab,  who  was  still  a mere  youth,  although 
full  grown,  tall,  and  of  great  ability  and  courage. 
They  were  to  conceal  from  Sohrab  the  identity  of  his 
father,  if  they  should  meet  on  the  field  of  battle,  in 
the  hope  that  Sohrab,  as  the  younger,  would  be  able 
to  slay  Rustem,  and  after  that  it  would  be,  as  Afra- 
siab  reasoned,  comparatively  easy  to  destroy  Sohrab 
by  treachery  that  his  young  mind  would  not  suspect. 

Sohrab,  with  his  army  and  that  of  Afrasiab,  set  out 
for  the  south,  intending  to  fight  his  way  until  Rus- 
tem should  be  sent  against  him  ; then  he  would  make 
himself  known  to  the  great  chieftain,  and  form  an 
alliance  with  him  that  would  place  the  line  of  Seistan 
on  the  throne.  Here  again  we  gain  a clear  idea  of 
the  peculiar  system  of  society  in  those  remote  times. 
In  order  to  find  his  father,  a son,  whose  mother  be- 
longed to  another  nation,  was  obliged  to  lead  a host 
against  his  father’s  country. 

The  first  operations  of  the  army  of  Sohrab  were 
directed  against  a fortress  called  the  White  Castle. 
It  was  the  key  to  the  heart  of  Persia.  Guzdehem,  an 
old  and  famous  warrior,  was  lord  of  the  place,  but  he 
had  a younger  captain,  named  Hedjir,  to  lead  his 
forces.  Little  suspecting  what  a champion  was  at 
the  head  of  the  invading  army,  Hedjir  sallied  boldly 


^OHRAB. 


47 


forth,  and  was  at  once  discomfited  by  Sohrab,  who 
made  him  prisoner.  Guzdehem  had  a lovely  daugh- 
ter, who  was  skilled  in  athletic  sports,  an  amazon 
famed  for  her  exploits  in  war.  Her  name  was  Gur- 
daferid.  Filled  with  fury  by  the  defeat  of  Hedjir,  she 
delayed  not  to  put  on  a complete  suit  of  mail,  gather- 
ing up  her  heavy  tresses  under  an  iron  helmet.  Mount- 
ed on  a fiery  steed,  Gurdaferid  rode  forth  from  the 
gates  of  the  White  Castle,  and  fiercely  challenged  the 
host  of  the  enemy  to  send  a champion  to  meet  her, 
and  decide  the  fate  of  the  fortress  by  single  combat. 
But  no  one  of  the  enemy  dared  to  encounter  this  re- 
doubtable heroine,  until  Sohrab, 
who  was  reposing  in  his  tent, 
chanced  to  behold  her  defying 
the  army  of  Touran. 

With  a smile  of  exultation 
Sohrab  rode  forth  to  a fresh  en- 
counter. As  he  approached, 

Gurdaferid  shot  arrow  after 
arrow  against  his  ringing  mail. 

Rapidly  wheeling  her  horse 
from  side  to  side,  now  retiring, 
and  now  advancing,  and  smiting 
her  shield  with  her  spear  to 
frighten  his  horse,  it  seemed  at 
first  that  Gurdaferid,  by  her 
dexterity,  was  about  to  gain 

^ ^ O 1 ivu  o, 

the  advantage.  Mortified  and  ancient  sculpture. 
enraged,  Sohrab  made  a supreme  effort,  and  suc- 
ceeded in  driving  his  spear-head  under  her  coat  of 
mail,  and  lifting  her  in  the  saddle.  Drawing  her 


48 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


scimitar,  Gurdaferid  clove  the  spear  in  two,  but  then 
panic-stricken  by  the  extraordinary  power  he  had  dis- 
played, she  turned  her  steed  and  fled.  Sohrab  pur- 
sued, and  seizing  her  helmet,  wrenched  it  off  her  head. 
To  his  amazement,  he  discovered,  as  her  wealth  of 
hair  fell  over  her  shoulders,  that  he  had  been  en- 
gaged in  combat  with  a maiden.  Putting  up  his 
sword,  Sohrab  threw  his  noose  around  her  waist, 
and  made  her  his  captive. 

Gurdaferid  secured  her  liberty  by  a truly  feminine 
stratagem.  Showing  her  face  to  Sohrab,  she  re- 
minded him  that  both  armies  would  make  sport  of 
him  if  they  learned  that  his  courage  had  been  dis- 
played in  overcoming  a woman  ; and,  rather  than 
lay  himself  open  to  such  mockery,  it  were  far  bet- 
ter to  release  her.  Thus  he  would  guard  his  reputa- 
tion and  she  solemnly  promised  in  return  that  the 
White  Castle,  with  its  garrison  and  treasures,  should 
be  promptly  surrendered. 

Perhaps  these  suggestions  had  some  weight  with 
Sohrab,  but  it  is  more  likely  that  he  was  unable  to 
resist  the  soft  pleading  of  her  lips,  and  the  expressive 
glances  of  her  gazelle-like  eyes.  At  any  rate,  he  al- 
lowed her  to  re-enter  the  gates  of  the  White  Castle, 
firmly  convinced  that  he  would  soon  be  master,  not 
only  of  the  fortress,  but  of  the  fair  heroine  whom,  as 
the  legend  records,  he  had  already  begun  to  love. 
But  when  Gurdaferid  was  once  more  safely  within 
the  gates,  she  mounted  the  battlements,  and  mocked 
Sohrab,  who  now  saw  that  he  had  been  trifled  with, 
like  many  a man  since  then.  He  vowed  vengeance 
on  the  morrow  ; when  the  sun  should  arise  again,  he 


SOHRAB. 


49 


promised  to  burst  in  the  gates,  to  raze  the  walls,  and 
slay  young  and  old  without  mercy.  But  she  laughed, 
and  bade  him  beware  of  Rustem,  who,  when  he 
arose  in  his  might,  would  sweep  Sohrab  and  the 
hosts  of  Touran  from  the  face  of  the  earth. 

Sohrab  having  returned  to  his  camp,  Guzdehem 
immediately  wrote  a despatch  to  Kei  Kaoos,  which 
was  sent  by  a swift  messenger  before  dawn,  inform- 
ing him  that  the  armies  of  Touran  had  once  more 
invaded  Persia,  led  by  a hero  of  vast  stature  and 
irresistible  power.  He  warned  Kei  Kaoos  to  make 
instant  preparations  to  meet  the  foe,  or  Sohrab 
would  devour  the  kingdom.  The  messenger  having 
departed,  Guzdehem  escaped  from  the  White  Castle 
with  all  his  people,  by  a secret  passage,  being  well 
aware  what  fate  awaited  them  if  they  tarried  until 
Sohrab  should  storm  its  walls.  Great  was  the  morti- 
fication of  Sohrab  to  find  the  fortress  abandoned  ; 
greater  still  was  his  regret  at  the  escape  of  the  fair 
Gurdaferid,  who  was  indeed  a fit  mate  for  the  young 
eaglet,  who  had  flown  hither  from  the  heights  of 
Semenjan. 

When  Kei  Kaoos  received  the  despatch  of  Guzde- 
hem he  was  greatly  troubled,  and  by  the  advice  of 
his  chieftains  and  counsellors  decided  to  summon 
Rustem  once  more  from  his  retirement  to  come  to 
the  rescue  of  Persia. 

The  great  Guiv  was  deputed  to  bear  the  royal 
missive  to  Rustem,  with  orders  to  delay  not  an  hour 
either  in  going  or  returning,  for  the  occasion  was 
critical.  Guiv  was  received  with  great  honor,  and 
Rustem  agreed  to  the  mandate  of  Kei  Kaoos.  But 


50 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

when  Guiv  urged  their  immediate  departure,  Rus- 
tem, with  entire  confidence  in  his  own  power  to 
overcome  all  who  attacked  Persia,  bade  him  tarry 
several  days  in  feasting.  Greatly  disquieted  by  the 
delay,  Guiv  finally  persuaded  Rustem  to  depart  with 
him  for  the  court. 

But  when  Rustem  presented  himself  to  Kei  Kaoos, 
the  monarch,  in  a great  rage,  ordered  Thous  to  lead 
Rustem  and  Guiv  at  once  to  the  gallows.  Thous 
laid  his  hand  on  the  shoulder  of  Rustem,  but  the 
chief  of  Seistan  smote  him  dead  with  one  blow  of  his 
fist.  He  then  reminded  Kei  Kaoos  of  all  that  he 
owed  to  him,  his  life  and  his  throne,  and  with  loud 
defiance  strode  out  of  the  presence  of  the  monarch, 
and  hastened  back  to  Seistan,  scorning  Kaoos,  and 
caring  not  for  the  fate  of  Persia.  The  enemy  mean- 
time were  approaching,  and  the  king,  trembling  for 
his  security  and  repenting  his  injudicious  wrath,  per- 
mitted Gouderz,  who  was  great  and  wise,  to  go  to 
Seistan  and  apologize  to  Rustem  for  the  error  of  Kei 
Kaoos,  and  plead  with  him  to  lend  his  powerful  aid 
before  the  redoubtable  Sohrab  should  lay  Persia  at 
the  feet  of  Touran.  After  much  expostulation  Rus- 
tem finally  yielded,  and  the  hosts  of  Persia,  led  by 
Kei  Kaoos  and  Rustem,  set  forth  to  encounter 
Sohrab.  The  return  of  Rustem  to  the  court  was 
hailed  with  great  feasting  and  rejoicing.  The  king, 
by  his  conduct,  did  every  thing  to  efface  from  the 
heart  of  the  hero  the  impression  of  his  base  ingrati- 
tude. 


V. 

SOHRAB  AND  RUSTEM. 

Kei  Kaoos  put  an  immense  host  into  the  field. 
One  hundred  thousand  horsemen  in  glittering  mail, 
and  a troop  of  mighty  elephants  accompanied  the 
army.  When  the  tents  were  pitched  at  evening,  and 
the  torches  gleamed  in  the  canvas  streets,  the  camp 
seemed  like  a great  city.  Day  by  day  the  army 
drew  nearer  to  the  White  Castle,  where  Sohrab  still 
remained,  preparing  his  forces  for  an  advance  to  the 
capital  of  Iran.  The  watchmen  on  the  high  towers 
announced  the  appearance  of  the  serried  spears  of 
a great  host,  and  Sohrab,  with  Houman,  climbed  to 
the  battlements  to  reconnoitre  the  platoons  of  the 
enemy.  At  the  sight,  Houman  showed  some  appre- 
hension, but  Sohrab  bade  him  take  courage,  for  he 
felt  assured  of  victory. 

When  night  came  on  Rustem  repaired  to  the 
pavilion  of  the  king  and  begged  permission  to  go 
forth  unarmed  to  spy  out  the  force  of  the  enemy, 
and  learn  the  character  of  the  chieftains  opposed  to 
them,  especially  Sohrab,  whose  renown  aroused  a 
certain  dread  in  the  Persian  host.  Permission  being 
readily  granted,  the  dauntless  Rustem  clad  himself  ^ 
in  the  disguise  of  a Turk,  and  succeeded,  in  the  dark. 


51 


52 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

in  entering  the  gate  of  the  fortress,  where  he  soon 
penetrated  into  the  very  presence  of  the  great 
Sohrab,  who  was  seated  at  a banquet  with  his 
chieftains  feasting  the  night  before  the  battle. 
At  his  side  was  his  uncle  Zendeh  Rezm,  who  was 
acquainted  with  Rustem,  and  to  whose  care  the 
mother  of  Sohrab  had  confided  him,  with  the  request 
that  when  they  should  discover  Rustem  in  the 
hostile  army,  he  should  point  him  out  to  Sohrab, 
who  had  planned  this  campaign  expressly  with  the 
purpose  of  meeting  the  father  of  whom  he  was 
so  justly  proud. 

One  hundred  brave  warriors  were  seated  around 
the  brave  scion  of  Semenjan,  and  musicians  sang  his 
glory  while  the  red  wine  went  round,  and  the  torches 
in  the  high  halls  of  the  castle  gave  back  the  flash  of 
arms  and  the  gleam  of  eyes  eager  for  the  combat  of 
the  morrow.  Rustem  watched  the  scene,  standing 
in  the  shadow  of  the  door.  Zendeh  Rezm,  having 
occasion  to  go  forth,  discovered  the  Persian  hidden 
there,  and  well  aware  that  in  the  army  of  Touran 
there  was  no  man  of  such  stature  and  build  as  he,  de- 
manded sternly  who  he  might  be.  Rustem  gave 
him  one  blow  on  the  back  of  the  neck  and  he  fell 
where  he  stood,  dead. 

Sohrab  waited  long  for  the  return  of  his  uncle, 
seeing  his  place  empty.  But  when  search  was  made 
they  found  the  warrior  cold  on  the  pavement.  Soh- 
rab, followed  by  all  the  guests  and  slaves,  rushed 
with  a bound  to  behold  this  terrible  scene,  and  all 
were  struck  dumb  with  amazement  and  dread,  until 
Sohrab  cried  out,  “ There  is  no  repose  for  us  this 


(Ti 

m 


GATEWAYS. PALACE  OF  DARIUS.  PF.RSEPOLIS 


54 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


night,  my  brave  warriors,  for  a wolf  has  entered  the 
fold,  and  defied  the  shepherd  and  the  dogs.  Sharpen 
your  blades,  for  I swear  before  God,  to  avenge  Zen- 
deh  Rezm  when  the  sun  rises  ! ” 

But  Rustem  returned  to  the  camp  and  reported  to 
Kei’  Kaoos  all  that  had  occurred,  adding  that  rumor 
had  not  exaggerated  the  qualities  of  Sohrab,  who  in 
person  and  soul  was  undoubtedly  the  most  dangerous 
champion  who  had  yet  led  an  army  against  Persia. 
Then  the  king  ordered  musicians  and  wine,  and  they 
drank  to  success  when  the  clash  of  arms  should  ring 
over  the  plains  at  return  of  day. 

When  the  sun  arose  Sohrab  put  on  his  coat  of 
mail  and  his  helmet  of  steel  decorated  with  gold.  A 
scimitar  was  suspended  at  his  side  from  a band  that 
passed  over  the  shoulder.  From  the  pommel  of  his 
saddle  was  hung  a lasso,  such  as  the  warriors  of 
those  days  used  with  so  much  effect.  It  was  so  long 
that  it  was  coiled  sixty  times  around  the  pommel.  Ac- 
companied by  Hedjir,  one  of  the  captains  of  Afrasiab, 
he  rode  forth  to  a rocky  eminence  from  whence  he 
could  well  observe  the  hostile  army.  Sohrab  en- 
joined his  companion  to  point  out  to  him  the  chief 
warriors  of  the  Persian  host,  and  especially  Rustem, 
adding  with  great  sternness  that  if  Hedjir  should 
deceive  him  he  should  throw  him  in  chains  for  the 
remainder  of  his  life.  One  after  another,  Hedjir  in- 
dicated to  Sohrab  various  chieftains  of  renown,  their 
tents  and  banners.  But  when  Sohrab  called  the 
attention  of  Hedjir  to  a great  tent  before  which  was 
planted  the  standard  of  Persia,  the  leathern  apron  of 
Kaweh,  and  a warrior  of  vast  stature  and  commanding 


SOHRAB  AND  RUSTEM. 


55 


presence  who  was  there,  and  a great  steed  neighing  by 
the  tent  door,  and  eagerly  demanded  to  be  informed 
who  it  could  be,  Hedjir,  remembering  the  purpose  for 
which  he  had  been  sent  by  Afrasiab,  refrained  from 
telling  Sohrab  that  this  was  none  other  than  his 
famous  father,  Rustem  ; but  in  an  indifferent  tone 
replied  that  it  must  be  some  foreign  ally  who  had 
joined  the  army  of  Kei  Kaoos.  Sohrab  showed 
much  disappointment  when  he  failed  to  discover 
Rustem  in  the  army  of  Persia,  but  as  the  legend  says, 
“ It  was  destined  otherwise  by  the  decree  of  Him 
who  changeth  not.” 

Dissatisfied  with  the  reply  of  Hedjir,  Sohrab  con- 
tinued to  ply  him  with  questions  and  surmises,  say- 
ing that  it  must  be  impossible  for  Rustem  to  be  ab- 
sent from  the  seat  of  war  on  the  eve  of  so  important 
a conflict,  for  he  was  ever  at  the  front  of  battle, 
eager  for  the  din  of  arms  and  for  glory.  Hedjir  re- 
plied again  that  it  was  now  the  feast  of  roses  in 
Seistan,  and  Rustem  had  probably  tarried  to  enjoy 
its  festivities.  But  Sohrab  stoutly  maintained  that 
Rustem  was  of  no  such  stuff  as  to  prefer  feasting  to 
war;  and  reminded  Hedjir  of  the  threat  made  to 
him  in  case  he  told  not  the  truth  ; Sohrab  then 
added  that  if  he  failed  to  be  rightly  informed  about 
Rustem,  he  would  surely  hew  Hedjir  into  frag- 
ments. Hedjir,  close-pressed  by  the  questions  and 
threats  of  the  young  warrior,  evaded  a direct  reply 
by  saying  that  it  was  folly  for  Sohrab  to  seek  to 
meet  Rustem  in  battle,  for  there  could  only  be  one 
issue  to  such  an  unequal  combat,  even  though  the 
Persian  were  now  advanced  in  years.  “ Better,”  said 


V 


56  THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

Hedjir,  “that  thou  encounter  him  not,  for  he  would 
utterly  destroy  thee  on  the  battle-field.” 

When  Sohrab  heard  these  words,  he  turned  away 
hesitating  and  perplexed  ; then  from  the  saddle  he 
felled  Hedjir  to  the  earth,  and  returned  to  the  White 
Castle.  He  was  greatly  disheartened,  for  he  had 
opened  this  campaign  with  the  earnest  longing  that 
it  might  make  him  acquainted  with  his  father ; and 
he  found  himself  baffled  and  disappointed.  The 
mysterious  words  of  Hedjir  made  it  evident  that  it 
was  impossible  to  learn  through  him  the  exact  truth 
regarding  Rustem.  But,  as  Sohrab  was  the  leader 
of  the  Touranian  army,  he  could  not  remain  idle; 
and,  therefore,  like  a careful  general,  made  all  the 
preparations  necessary  to  win  success. 

Taking  off  his  coronet  of  gold,  Sohrab  replaced  it 
with  a massive  helmet  ; his  mighty  arms  and  chest 
he  encased  in  a coat  of  chain  mail  ; his  thighs  and 
arms  were  protected  with  greaves  and  armlets  of 
steel ; he  took  his  lasso,  his  bow,  his  scimitar,  and 
his  tremendous  mace,  and  defiled  his  sturdy  warriors, 
many  and  brave,  forth  from  the  castle  to  the  plains. 
Taking  the  Persians  unawares  by  the  swiftness  of 
his  onset,  Sohrab  hurled  the  army  of  Touran  against 
the  entrenched  camp  of  Kei  Kaoos,  and  penetrated 
to  the  very  pavilion  of  the  king.  It  was  magnifi- 
cent to  behold  the  irresistible  charge  of  this  strip- 
pling,  who,  yet  a mere  youth,  seemed  like  a god  of 
war. 

In  this  dire  extremity,  when  all  seemed  lost,  Kei 
Kaoos  sent  for  Rustem.  Impatiently  exclaiming 
that  Kaoos  never  sent  for  him  except  when  he  had 


SOHRAB  AND  RUSTEM. 


57 


got  himself  into  trouble,  the  hero  of  Seistan  put 
on  his  armor,  mounted  Raksch  eagerly,  and  rushed 
to  the  combat.  But  when  Rustem  reached  the 
spot  where  Sohrab,  with  his  mighty  mace,  was 
dealing  death  on  all  sides,  he  said  to  him  : “ Let  us 

leave  this  place  and  go  beyond  the  lines  of  the  two 
hosts.”  “Yes,”  replied  Sohrab,  “we  ’ll  go  together 
alone  to  a retired  spot  ; we  are  both  heroes,  and  you 
and  I will  decide  this  war  between  ourselves  ; but 
know  that  in  the  shock  of  arms  you  will  not  be  able 
to  withstand  me,  although  you  are  large  of  stature 
and  of  great  strength.” 

Rustem  looked  at  this  young  man  so  tall,  so  broad 
in  the  shoulders,  so  firmly  knit,  and  sitting  his  steed 
with  such  ease  and  skill,  and  he  replied  in  a pleasant 
voice : “ O young  man,  still  of  tender  years  ! the 

earth  is  dry  and  cold  ; the  air  of  heaven  is  soft  and 
balmy.  I am  old,  and  have  seen  many  a battle-field  ; 
I have  destroyed  many  an  army  ; never  have  I been 
overthrown.  Assuredly,  if  you  survive  me,  you  will 
be  able  to  encounter  dragons.  The  stars  have  wit- 
nessed my  prowess,  the  world  has  been  at  my  mercy. 
But  I have  a tenderness  for  you,  and  I seek  not  to 
rob  you  of  life.  Leave  the  people  of  Touran,  for 
there  is  none  like  you  in  Persia.” 

While  Rustem  was  thus  speaking,  the  heart  of 
Sohrab  beat  fast,  and  yearned  towards  Rustem  ; for 
a vague  instinct  made  him  think  that  the  father 
whom  he  was  seeking  was  before  him.  He  said: 
“ I will  ask  you  a question,  and  must  have  the  truth. 
Tell  me  frankly  your  birth,  and  rejoice  my  heart  with 
glad  tidings  ; I think  that  you  are  Rustem,  of  the 


58 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


great  race  of  Neriman.”  But  Rustem  replied:  “I 
am  not  Rustem,  nor  of  the  race  of  Neriman  ; for  he 
is  a chieftain,  and  I am  only  an  ordinary  man,  having 
neither  palace  nor  princely  diadem.”  The  heart  of 
Sohrab  sank  within  him  as  he  heard  these  fatal  words, 
and  the  light  of  day  became  dark  before  his  eyes  in 
his  despair,  for  he  remembered  the  words  of  his 
mother,  and  his  soul  was  perplexed  within  him. 

The  two  warriors  now  prepared  for  the  combat  in 
which  one  or  both  was  destined  to  die.  They 
marked  out  the  lists,  and,  mounted  on  their  powerful 
steeds,  began  the  fight  by  hurling  their  javelins,  and 
when  these  were  blunted  against  the  steel  bucklers, 
they  drew  their  long  Indian  swords,  and  the  sparks 
flew  fast  as  they  hacked  each  other’s  iron  mail,  until 
the  massive  blades  of  steel  were  splintered  under  the 
terrific  blows.  Each  was  equal  to  the  other,  and 
still  unwounded  they  raised  their  maces  and  rained 
blows  until  the  mail  of  horses  and  riders  was  alike 
shattered,  and  each  champion  was  exhausted  with 
the  fury  of  this  tremendous  combat.  By  tacit  con- 
sent they  separated  and  retired  to  opposite  sides  of 
the  lists  for  an  interval  of  repose.  Rustem  in  all  his 
long  life  of  battle  had  never  met  a warrior  so  re- 
doubtable as  Sohrab,  and  for  the  first  time  he  began 
to  have  doubts  of  the  victory. 

Once  more  the  champions  mounted  their  chargers 
and  rushed  to  the  mortal  fray,  beginning  with  arrows 
that  fall  harmless  from  the  iron  armor  and  cuirasses 
of  leopard-hide.  All  pity  and  hope  now  left  the 
heart  of  each,  and  a wild  fury  seized  them.  They 
drove  their  horses  together,  and  Rustem,  clutching 


SOffHAB  AND  RUSTEM. 


59 


Sohrab  by  the  waist-girdle,  strove  to  lift  him  out  of 
the  saddle,  as  he  had  done  so  many  other  enemies ; 
but  he  could  make  no  impression  on  the  herculean 
frame  of  the  youthful  hero.  Sohrab,  on  the  other 
hand,  quickly  seized  his  mace  and  smote  Rustem  on 
the  shoulder,  crushing  through  the  mail-armor  and 
bruising  the  bones.  The  pain  was  severe,  but  Rus- 
tem concealed  his  anguish,  while  Sohrab  mocked  him 
as  an  old  man  destined  to  fall  before  the  power  of 
youth.  But  they  were  both  exhausted  and  mutually 
retired,  each  seeking  relief  by  leading  an  attack  on 
the  opposing  army.  But  when  Rustem  saw  the 
havoc  that  the  sword  of  Sohrab  was  making  in  the 
Persian  ranks  he  rode  up  to  him  and  induced  him 
to  agree  to  postpone  all  further  fighting  until  the 
following  day,  when  the  single  combat  should  be 
resumed.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  result  of  the 
fight  had  been  thus  far  such  as  to  confound  the 
Persians  and  make  them  tremble  for  never  before 
had  the  great  Rustem  been  baffled  on  the  field. 

Sohrab  returned  to  his  camp  sorely  tired,  and  yet 
full  of  confidence.  But  Rustem,  like  a prudent  man, 
gave  directions  as  to  his  funeral  in  case  he  should 
fall  on  the  morrow.  Although  not  cast  down,  yet  he 
felt  that  there  is  a time  for  all  to  die,  and  he  had  never 
been  so  near  his  fate  as  now.  But  he  was  nerved  also 
by  a thirst  for  vengeance  against  the  champion  who 
had  so  nearly  reaped  the  laurels  he  had  won  on  a 
hundred  fields. 

When  the  sun  arose  and  the  black  raven  was  cast- 
ing its  black  shadow  over  the  lonely  plains,  the  two 
champions  rode  forth  once  more  to  try  the  wager  of 


6o 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


battle.  To  prevent  the  armies  from  intervening,  and 
in  the  excitement  of  the  combat  falling  on  each  other, 
they  were  removed  to  a distance  of  several  miles 
apart.  Midway  between,  the  champions  met  in  the 
centre  of  a lonely,  treeless  waste,  through  which 
coursed  a deep,  winding  river  ; gray  mountain 
ridges  skirted  the  horizon  far  away ; it  was  a scene 
of  dreariness  and  mysterious  solitude. 

Sohrab  rode  joyously  to  meet  his  implacable  foe, 
and  a smile  was  on  his  face  as  he  wished  him  a good- 
morning and  hoped  that  he  had  passed  the  night  in 
refreshing  slumber,  for  he  was  more  than  ever  con- 
vinced in  his  heart  that  he  had  to  do  with  Rustem, 
and  was  determined  if  possible  to  bring  about  a 
reconciliation.  He  proposed  that  instead  of  continu- 
ing the  combat  to  a fatal  issue,  they  should  now 
enter  into  a friendship  that  would  spring  from  a 
respect  based  upon  the  equal  ability  they  had  shown 
in  the  test  of  arms.  But  Rustem  was  in  no  mood  to 
accept  such  a proposal  from  a champion  so  much 
younger  than  himself,  while  the  doubtful  result  of 
the  previous  day  had  made  it  necessary  for  him  to 
restore  his  tottering  prestige  with  the  life-blood  of 
his  generous  but  dangerous  rival. 

This  time  the  combat  was  renewed  on  foot.  They 
fastened  their  steeds  to  the  rocks,  and  then,  clad  in 
complete  mail,  approached  each  other  stealthily  and 
in  diminishing  circles,  each  watching  the  chance  to 
pounce  like  a lion  on  his  foe.  From  morning  until 
afternoon  the  enemies  fought,  until  by  superior 
agility  Sohrab  succeeded  in  felling  the  great  Rustem 
to  the  earth,  and  as  he  pinned  him  there,  kneeling  on 


SOHRAB  AND  RUSTEM. 


6l 


the  breast  of  the  prostrate  champion,  he  drew  a dag- 
ger to  cleave  his  head  from  his  shoulders.  But  Rus- 
tem, who  was  not  only  strong  but  also  gifted  with 
the  craft  of  one  of  large  experience,  had  the  presence 
of  mind  to  arrest  the  arm  of  Sohrab  by  saying  that 
it  was  not  the  custom  in  chivalrous  warfare  to  slay  a 
champion  in  the  first  fall,  but  to  wait  until  the  second 
throw,  when  usage  entitled  the  victor  honorably  to 
take  the  life  of  the  vanquished.  Sohrab,  as  chivalrous 
as  he  was  brave,  immediately  removed  his  grasp  from 
Rustem,  and  permitting  him  to  rise,  departed  for 
the  camp.  Rustem,  scarcely  believing  himself  alive 
after  such  an  escape,  thanked  the  Almighty  for  his 
preservation,  and  bathed  his  limbs,  covered  with 
dust  and  blood,  in  the  river.  Never  before  had  he 
been  so  beset  in  battle  ; never  before  since  the  world 
began  had  two  champions  been  so  evenly  matched  ; 
never  before  had  a duel  been  so  long,  so  desperate, 
so  indecisive 

But  when  Sohrab  related  to  his  army  the  events 
of  that  terrible  day,  Houman  shook  his  head  in  sor- 
row, and  bade  Sohrab  beware  when  the  combat  was 
resumed,  for  he  had  no  common  antagonist,  and  for- 
tune rarely  gives  us  twice  the  opportunity  to  over- 
come our  foes. 

After  a brief  rest  the  champions  came  together 
again,  determined  to  bring  this  awful  struggle  to  a 
close  ere  another  night  set  in.  The  crisis  had  evi- 
dently come  ; ere  many  hours  one  or  the  other  would 
shut  his  eyes  forever  on  the  setting  sun.  With  fresh 
force  Sohrab  flew  at  Rustem  ; but  he  by  a supreme 
effort  seized  Sohrab  around  the  waist  in  a grip  of 


62 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


iron  and  hurled  him  to  the  ground,  and  as  he  lay 
there  panting,  before  he  could  struggle  to  his  feet 
again,  Rustem  drew  his  blade  quick  as  lightning  and 
drove  it  through  the  bosom  of  the  youthful  hero. 

With  a groan  of  anguish,  Sohrab  gasped  : “ This 
has  come  through  my  own  folly  ; it  is  destiny  that 
has  decided.  You  are  not  to  blame.  My  mother 
described  to  me  the  signs  by  which  I might  recog- 
nize my  father,  and  it  is  because  of  my  yearning  for 
him  that  I have  met  my  death.  I have  searched 
for  him,  and  for  this  purpose  have  sacrificed  my  life. 
Alas  ! I shall  never  see  him  ; but  if  you  were  a fish 
to  lose  thyself  in  the  depths,  or  a star  to  hide  in  the 
heavens,  my  father  will  wreak  his  vengeance  on  you 
when  he  learns  my  doom.  There  are  those  who  will 
report  to  Rustem,  my  father,  that  I was  slain  while 
searching  to  find  him.” 

Rustem,  when  he  heard  these  words,  shook  with 
horror,  his  mind  became  confused,  a mist  passed  be- 
fore his  eyes,  and  he  fell  in  a swoon  by  the  side  of 
his  mighty  son.  When  he  revived,  he  asked  of 
Sohrab,  in  tones  of  terrible  anguish,  by  what  marks 
he  could  prove  himself  to  be  the  son  of  Rustem,  and 
then  he  cried  out : “ For  I am  Rustem,  the  son  of  Zal ; 
would  that  my  name  would  perish,  and  that  I were 
dead  ! ” But  when  Sohrab  heard  these  words,  he 
upbraided  his  father  for  slaying  him,  for  had  he  not 
that  very  day  pleaded  with  him  to  abandon  the  com- 
bat and  enter  into  terms  of  peace,  but  Rustem  had 
sternly  refused;  and  he  continued:  “Unbind  my 
coat  of  mail,  and  observe  my  glowing  skin.  When 
the  clarions  sounded  at  the  gates  the  hour  for  de- 


SOHRAB  AND  RUSTEM, 


63 


parture,  my  mother  ran  to  me,  her  eyes  filled  with 
tears.  And  she  bound  on  my  arm  an  onyx,  saying 
it  is  a memento  of  thy  father,  keep  it  with  care  till 
the  appointed  time  has  come  to  need  it  ; but  that 
hour  came  not  until  I lay  dying  before  the  eyes  of 
my  father.” 

Rustem  unlaced  the  coat  of  mail  and  saw  the 
onyx  bound  to  the  white  arm  of  Sohrab.  Then  he 
rent  his  clothes  and  tore  out  his  hair  and  beat 


ANCIENT  PERSIAN  ARCHITECTURE. 


his  breast,  and  lamented:  “O  my  son  whom  I have 
slain,  my  son  who  art  glorious  in  all  lands  and  among 
all  people  ! ” But  Sohrab  bade  his  father  do  himself 
no  harm,  for  there  was  now  no  remedy;  the  deed 
was  done  and  destiny  had  willed  their  doom. 

When  the  glowing  sun  had  disappeared  below  the 
verge  of  the  desert,  and  Rustem  returned  not  from 
the  field,  Kei  Kaoos  sent  twenty  warriors  to  recon- 
noitre and  learn  what  had  become  of  the  champion 


64 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


of  Persia.  Seeing  from  afar  that  Rustem  was  not 
mounted  on  his  horse,  they  returned  and  reported 
that  he  had  yielded  at  last  to  the  foe.  At  once  great 
lamentations  and  cries  of  alarm  arose  from  the  host, 
and  a scout  was  sent  on  a fleet  dromedary  to  scour 
the  plains  and  discover  what  Sohrab  was  purposing, 
for  if  he  were  the  victor,  who  was  there  now  in  their 
camp  to  resist  him? 

But  when  Sohrab  heard  the  din,  he  urged  Rustem  to 
show  his  love  for  him  by  permitting  the  hostof  Touran 
to  return  unmolested  to  their  country,  since  it  had 
been  out  of  confidence  in  Sohrab  that  they  had  ven- 
tured on  this  campaign.  Rustem  in  his  sorrow  could 
not  reply,  but  flung  himself  in  the  saddle  and  flew  to 
the  Persian  camp,  where  all  were  amazed  to  see  his 
armor  shattered,  his  garments  torn,  and  his  flesh 
gaping  with  many  wounds.  With  a wild  cry  Rustem 
ordered  his  army  to  remain  in  the  camp  and  on  no 
account  to  attack  the  army  of  Sohrab.  He  then 
despatched  a trusty  chieftain  to  Houman  to  inform 
him  of  the  fall  of  Sohrab,  and  to  accompany  him  as  a 
safeguard  until  the  army  of  Touran  had  recrossed  the 
border.  Having  thus  accomplished  the  last  wishes 
of  his  son,  Rustem  returned  to  him  with  a litter 
made  comfortable  with  cushions  of  silk.  But  when 
he  reached  the  spot  where  Sohrab  was  lying  he  found 
that  his  brave  soul  had  departed.  Amid  the  lamen- 
tations of  the  father  and  of  the  entire  army  tliey 
tenderly  bore  the  corpse  of  the  warrior  youth  to  the 
camp.  While  Kei  Kaoos  and  the  Persian  army  re- 
turned home,  Rustem  returned  to  Seistan  with  the 
body  of  Sohrab,  who  was  buried  in  the  tomb  of  his 


SOHRAB  AND  RUSTEM,  65 

fathers  far  from  the  land  of  his  birth,  and  all  the 
land  was  clad  in  mourning  for  him. 

When  Tehmimeh,  the  mother  of  Sohrab,  heard 
of  his  death,  and  that  he  had  been  slain  by  the 
sword  of  his  father,  she  threw  dust  on  her  head,  she 
tore  her  tresses  and  her  cheeks,  she  beat  her  bosom, 
and  declined  all  food.  Then  she  caused  them  to 
bring  and  set  before  her  the  throne  of  Sohrab  and 
his  coronet,  and  bending  over  them  bathed  them 
with  her  tears.  Thus  lamenting  she  was  wasted  by 
grief,  and  ere  many  days  had  elapsed  she  passed 
away  to  rejoin  her  hero  child,  Sohrab. 


YI. 


SIAWUSCH. 

It  happened  on  a certain  day,  when  Kei  Kaoos 
was  still  young  in  his  royal  honors,  that  two  of  the 
pehlewans,  or  warrior  nobles,  of  his  stately  court  de- 
parted for  the  chase.  They  were  accompanied  by 
numerous  retainers,  falconers  with  their  hooded  fal- 
cons, and  leopards,  such  as  are  trained  to  hunt  the 
gazelle  and  the  wild  ass.  After  a goodly  day’s  sport 
they  came  to  a vast  wood,  reaching  many  leagues. 
The  huntsmen  entered  the  dark  recesses  of  the  for- 
est, and  to  their  surprise  discovered  there  a maiden 
of  marvellous  beauty,  her  hair  and  neck  spangled 
with  costly  jewels.  Excepting  her  horse,  that  was 
nibbling  the  grass  near  her,  she  was  entirely  alone  in 
this  green  solitude.  To  the  inquiries  of  the  cavaliers, 
the  lady  replied  that  she  was  a fugitive  from  domes- 
tic ill-treatment,  and  was  of  noble  descent,  being 
of  the  line  of  Feridoon.  There  was  nothing  surpris- 
ing in  this,  because  the  kings  of  Persia  have  many 
wives  and  concubines  and  numerous  descendants. 
She  expected  soon  to  be  overtaken  by  her  father’s 
servants,  who,  when  her  flight  was  discovered,  would 
undoubtedly  take  every  means  to  trace  her  path. 

The  hearts  of  the  warriors  warmed  towards  the 


66 


SIA  WUSCH. 


67 


maiden,  and  Thous  said  : “ It  is  I who  have  discov- 
ered her,  it  is  on  her  account  that  I hastened 
hither.”  But  Guiv  replied  : “ O servant  of  the  king, 
you  are  not  equal  to  me  unless  backed  by  an  army  ; 
how  then  shall  you  claim  her  ? ” At  hot  discussion 
arose  between  them  for  possession  of  the  maiden, 
until  one  of  their  companions  suggested  that  they 
conduct  her  to  the  presence  of  the  king,  and  let  him 
decide  the  question. 

When  Kei  Kaoos  beheld  the  face  of  the  maiden, 
he  smiled  and  bit  his  lips,  and  said  to  the  two  noble- 
men : You  have  not  been  long  absent  on  this  hunt ; 
you  have  brought  back  only  one  gazelle,  but  a gazelle 
that  belongs  only  to  a king.”  He  then  questioned 
the  damsel  as  to  her  history,  and  expressed  his  satis- 
faction by  gallantly  assuring  her  that  she  was  worthy 
to  recline  on  cushions  broidered  with  gold,  and  that 
he  should  make  her  chief  of  the  moon-faced  queens 
in  his  palace.  She  replied,  without  hesitation  : “ As 
soon  as  I beheld  you,  I selected  you  as  worthiest  of 
all  the  great.”  Few  women  would  decline  the  offer 
of  a king,  and  in  the  exchange  of  compliments  at 
least,  she  was  his  equal.  Thus  neither  Thous  nor 
Guiv  secured  the  prize,  but  the  king,  while  robbing 
them  of  a treasure  it  would  have  been  difficult  to 
award  to  the  satisfaction  of  both,  consoled  them  by 
presenting  a diadem  and  ten  superb  horses  to  each. 
But  on  his  new  favorite  Kei  Kaoos  showered  rubies 
and  pearls. 

In  due  time  it  was  announced  to  Kei  Kaoos  that  a 
son  was  born  to  him  and  his  fair  queen.  ,He  was  a 
child  of  unusual  attractions  and  promise,  and  the 


68 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


king  offered  thanks  to  the  Almighty  for  his  gift. 
But  the  astrologers  foretold  for  the  infant  a career  of 
great  vicissitude,  ending  in  sorrow.  But  hope,  which 
ever  deludes  us  into  forgetting  the  inevitable,  led 
Kaoos  to  disregard  these  gloomy  forebodings,  and  he 
entrusted  his  son  to  the  great  Rustem,  under  whose 
tutelage  it  was  expected  the  boy  would  grow  up  to 
be  a worthy  defendant  of  the  fortunes  of  Persia. 
Thus  years  passed  on,  until  in  Seistan  with  Rustem, 
Siawusch  grew  to  be  a youth  of  noble  proportions, 
expert  in  all  manly  exercises,  and  wdth  a face  radiant 
with  goodness  and  intelligence.  On  his  return  to  Per- 
sepolis,  Siawusch  was  received  by  his  royal  parents 
with  all  the  rejoicing  and  splendor  of  a great  court. 
But  in  the  midst  of  these  festivities  the  mother  of 
Siawusch  fell  sick  and  died.  No  words  can  describe 
the  sorrow  of  the  young  prince,  which  only  yielded 
when  many  days  had  passed.  He  learned  thus  early 
the  sad  truth  that  care  makes  no  distinction,  but  in 
one  form  or  another  enters  palaces  and  hovels  and 
lays  its  load  alike,  on  the  hearts  of  peasants  and  of 
princes. 

Soon  after  this  melancholy  event,  Siawusch  was 
subjected  to  a temptation  that  put  his  character  to 
the  test.  Soudabeh,  the  wife  whom  Kei  Kaoos 
had  brought  with  him  after  his  Syrian  victory,  being 
untrue  to  her  royal  spouse,  undertook  to  seduce  his 
handsome  son  Siawusch  from  the  path  of  duty,  but  he 
ever  nobly  resisted  her  advances  until  her  guilty  love 
turned  to  hate,  and  with  loud  outcries  she  made 
complaints  against  Siawusch  to  the  king.  The  plot 
devised  against  the  young  prince  by  Soudabeh  was 


SIA  WUSCH. 


69 


SO  deep  that  it  was  impossible  for  the  king  to  decide 
as  to  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  Siawusch,  and  between 
his  love  for  his  son  and  the  love  he  bore  to  the  beau- 
tiful woman  who  voluntarily  shared  with  him  the 
dungeons  of  Hamaveram.  By  the  advice  of  the 
astrologers,  Kei  Kaoos  reluctantly  decided  to  put 
Siawusch  to  the  ordeal  of  fire,  to  which  he  willingly 
consented,  conscious  of  innocence. 

Mounted  on  a black  horse,  Siawusch  rode  fearlessly 
between  two  immense  burning  pyres,  and  came  forth 
harmless,  to  the  great  joy  of  the  assembled  multi- 
tudes. Siawusch  being  thus 
proved  innocent  of  the  grievous 
charge,  it  followed  that  Souda- 
beh  was  guilty  of  compassing 
the  death  of  the  favorite  son  of 
the  king  for  reasons  best  known 
to  herself.  Kei  Kaoos,  with 
great  reluctance,  because  of  his 
love  for  her,  which  continued  in 
spite  of  her  wickedness,  ordered 
her  to  be  taken  to  execution.  But  Siawusch  gener- 
ously pleaded  for  her  life,  and  his  father,  glad  of  the 
opportunity,  freely  pardoned  her. 

About  this  time,  Afrasiab  again  invaded  Persia 
with  a mighty  host.  The  force  v/hich  Kei  Kaoos 
sent  against  Afrasiab  was  placed  in  command  of  Sia- 
wusch, but  Rustem  accompanied  him  to  give  him  the 
benefit  of  his  experience  in  war.  The  king  rode  a 
day’s  journey  with  his  son,  and  then  father  and  son 
parted,  each  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  for  they  both  had 
a presentiment  that  they  should  never  meet  again. 


FIRE  ALTAR. 


70 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


Notwithstanding  his  great  defects  of  character,  Kei 
Kaoos  appears  to  have  been  a fond  husband  and 
father. 

After  three  indecisive  battles,  the  Persian  army 
succeeded  in  shutting  up  the  enemy  in  Balkh,  the 
capital  of  Afrasiab,  and  then  carried  the  city  by 
storm.  The  proud  king  of  Touran  had  an  ominous 
dream  after  these  events,  and  decided  at  once  to  sue 
for  peace.  Siawusch  and  Rustem  would  only  accept 
the  terms  on  the  condition  that  Afrasiab  should  give 
one  hundred  hostages,  nobles  and  kinsfolk,  in  token 
of  his  sincerity  in  proposing  a cessation  of  the  war. 
The  hostages  were  delivered.  But  when  Kei  Kaoos 
was  informed  of  the  conditions  of  the  peace  by  Rus- 
tem, he  drove  that  chieftain  back  to  Seistan,  accus- 
ing him  of  being  the  author  of  peace  when  the  war 
should  have  been  pursued  until  Afrasiab  had  been 
destroyed  and  Touran  completely  subdued.  Kaoos 
then  despatched  another  general  to  the  army  in 
place  of  Rustem,  and  ordered  Siawusch  to  bind  the 
hostages  and  send  them  to  his  father  Kaoos  for  ex- 
ecution. 

But  Siawusch,  being  a prince  of  the  highest  purity 
and  honor,  could  not  be  a party  to  such  a disgraceful 
proceeding.  Convinced  that  Kei  Kaoos  must  be 
partly  instigated  in  his  course  by  the  evil  influence 
of  Soudabeh,  Siawusch  felt  that  there  was  only  one 
course  that  was  safe  for  his  life  and  his  honor.  The 
hostages  he  would  not  kill,  for  he  said  that  great  as 
was  the  authority  of  Kei  Kaoos  there  was  a greater, 
the  law  of  God  ; while  if  he  disobeyed  the  mandate  of 
his  royal  father  it  was  wellnigh  certain  that  Kei 


SIAWUSCIT.  71 

Kaoos,  in  his  dangerous  capriciousness,  would  slay 
him.  Siawusch  decided  to  return  the  hostages  to 
Afrasiab,  and  to  abandon  his  country  and  the  prospect 
of  a throne  rather  than  yield  to  dishonor.  It  was  a 
high  resolve,  but  far  different  to  that  which  most 
men  would  have  taken  under  similar  circumstances. 
In  vain  the  counsellors  and  generals  of  his  army 
sought  to  dissuade  him.  One  strong  friend  stood 
by  him  ; his  name  was  Zengueh.  Him  Siawusch  sent 
to  Afrasiab  with  the  hostages  to  announce  the  com- 
ing of  the  prince.  Siawusch  then  gave  his  orders  to 
Bahman  to  watch  the  army  well  until  the  arrival  of 
the  general  deputed  to  take  the  place  of  Rustem, 
and  departed  for  the  court  of  Afrasiab. 

The  matter  of  receiving  the  self-exiled  prince  was 
one  of  difficulty.  Afrasiab  took  counsel  with  Piran, 
a venerable  and  wise  chieftain,  and  decided  to  wel- 
come Siawusch  as  a son,  and  award  a palace,  and 
slaves  and  horses  for  his  comfort,  and  in  every  way 
to  treat  him  as  if  he  were  of  his  own  family,  and  risk 
whatever  results  might  follow.  It  must  be  admitted 
that  Afrasiab  was  moved  to  this  course  not  by  hospi- 
tality or  gratitude  for  the  regard  the  prince  had  shown 
for  the  lives  of  the  hostages.  The  king  of  Touran 
was  aware  that  Kei  Kaoos  was  old,  and  liable  at  any 
time  to  leave  the  throne  vacant.  If  Siawusch  were 
then  living  in  Touran  the  possible  advantages  to 
Touran  were  incalculable. 

But  whatever  selfishness  might  have  entered  into 
the  hospitality  of  Afrasiab,  there  was  none  apparent 
in  the  reception  he  accorded  Siawusch.  After  de- 
spatching a touching  letter  to  his  father,  the  Persian 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


72 

prince  set  out  at  evening  with  his  cortege,  and  rode 
until  he  reached  the  frontier  on  the  banks  of  the 
Gihoon  ; there  he  found  chieftains  and  warriors  and 
servants,  who  escorted  him  with  royal  honors  to  the 
capital.  Every  town  on  the  road  was  decorated,  and 
everywhere  the  people  came  forth  to  give  him  wel- 
come. At  the  city  of  Kafdjak  he  stopped  to  rest 
and  was  met  there  by  Piran,  the  first  nobleman  of 
Touran,  with  one  thousand  picked  warriors.  Piran 
was  so  overcome  by  the  manly  beauty  and  lofty 
character  of  the  young  prince  that  from  time  to 
time,  says  the  chronicler,  he  ejaculated  the  name 
of  God. 

When  they  arrived  at  Gang,  where  Afrasiab  then 
held  his  court,  that  haughty  monarch  condescended 
to  show  his  appreciation  towards  his  distinguished 
guest  by  descending  from  his  audience-hall  to  the 
palace  gates  to  meet  him.  When  Siawusch  beheld 
him  he  quickly  alighted,  and  king  and  prince  em- 
braced with  every  token  of  friendship.  “ Hence- 
forth,’' exclaimed  Afrasiab,  “ war  will  no  longer 
desolate  the  earth,  and  the  lion  and  the  leopard  will 
lie  down  together.”  The  Persian  prince  was  led  by 
his  royal  host  to  a magnificent  banquet,  and  when  all 
were  satiated  with  feasting  and  splendor,  Siawusch 
was  conducted  to  the  palace  which  King  Afrasiab  had 
ordered  to  be  prepared  for  the  residence  of  his  guest. 

In  the  meantime  a swift  messenger  bore  the  letter 
of  Siawusch  to  Kei  Kaoos,  who  was  confounded  by 
its  contents.  Instead  of  continuing  the  war  he  or- 
dered the  army  to  return  home,  and  abandoned  hos- 
tilities against  Afrasiab. 


73 


S7A  WUSCH. 

Siawusch  continued  to  increase  in  favor  with  Afra- 
siab,  although  in  the  midst  of  the  honors  showered 
upon  him  he  often  longed  for  home  and  the  friends  he 
had  left  and  was  never  to  see  again.  By  the  advice  of 
Piran,  Afrasiab  gave  his  daughter,  P^erenguiz,  to  Sia- 
wusch, the  marriage  being  celebrated  with  much  splen- 
dor, although  the  astrologers  fore- 
told that  this  alliance  would  not 
prove  fortunate  for  the  destiny  of 
Afrasiab  and  Touran.  Soon  after 
this  event  the  king  apointed  Sia- 
wusch governor  of  one  of  his  lar- 
gest provinces,  and  he  founded  the 
cities  of  Siawuschgird  and  Gang-i- 
Siawusch,  the  latter  celebrated  by 
the  poet  Ferdoiisee  as  one  of  the 
most  delightful  spots  in  the  East. 

But  when  the  gallant  young  prince, 
happy  in  the  lovely  wife  and  the 
many  honors  so  rapidly  bestowed 
on  him,  inquired  of  the  astrologers 
whether  this  city  was  destined  to 
add  to  his  happiness,  they  replied 
that  it  did  not  so  promise,  and 
his  heart  was  saddened  by  their 

. , CAPITAL,  PERSEPOLIS. 

reply.  Unhappy  prince!  who 
was  gifted  with  every  manly  virtue,  with  every 
physical  grace,  with  every  noble  accomplishment, 
who  was  born  heir  to  a great  throne,  and  was 
universally  beloved  ; and  yet  from  his  cradle  destiny 
seemed  to  pursue  him  with  misfortune  ; his  virtues 
even  brought  him  trouble,  and  the  stars  predicted 


74 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

unhappiness  and  doom  for  one  who  deserved  happi- 
ness and  success. 

During  this,  period  Siawusch  retained  the  strong 
friendship  of  Piran,  who  reported  to  King  Afrasiab, 
with  warm  praise,  all  that  the  Prince  of  Persia  had 
done  to  beautify  his  province.  Pleased  at  what  he 
heard,  Afrasiab  deputed  his  brother,  Guersiwez,  to 
proceed  with  many  costly  gifts  and  gracious  mes- 
sages to  Siawusch.  Guersiwez  was  entertained  in  a 
manner  worthy  of  his  rank,  and  athletic  games  were 
arranged  in  his  honor.  But  the  amazing  strength 
and  skill  displayed  by  Siawusch  on  this  occasion, 
and  the  splendor  by  which  he  was  surrounded,  filled 
Guersiwez  with  envy,  and  still  more  with  dread, 
for  he  considered  Siawusch  quite  too  dangerous  to 
be  treated  with  such  honor  and  confidence  by  the 
hereditary  enemy  of  Persia,  King  Afrasiab.  Little 
did  the  pure  and  unsuspicious  nature  of  Siawusch 
magine  the  evil  that  lurked  in. the  heart  of  the 
guest  he  was  entertaining  with  splendor. 

On  his  .return  to  the  court  Guersiwez  insidiously 
poisoned  the  mind  of  Afrasiab  by  false  tales,  in  which 
he  accused  Siawusch  of  actually  plotting  to  bring  a 
Persian  army  into  Touran.  At  first,  receiving  these 
stories  with  hesitation,  Afrasiab  at  last  became  furi- 
ous against  his  gentle  guest,  and  proceeded  against 
him  with  an  army.  A terrible  dream  had  forewarned 
Siawusch  that  his  doom  was  at  hand ; but  when  he 
heard  of  the  approach  of  Afrasiab  he  entertained  not 
the  slightest  thought  of  resistance,  but  after  bidding 
a touching  farewell  to  his  lovely  young  wife,  P'eren- 
guiz,  went  forth  to  welcome  Afrasiab  to  the  cool 


SIA  WUSCff. 


75 


bowers  of  Siawuschgird.  But  Afrasiab  hurled  his 
army  on  the  escort  of  Siawusch  without  waiting  to 
confer  and  to  learn  the  truth,  and  all  were  cut  to 
pieces.  Siawusch  even  then  disdained  to  defend  him- 
self. Conscious  of  his  innocence,  he  preferred  to  die 
rather  than  give  color  to  the  slanders  of  his  enemies 
by  drawing  a sword  against  his  royal  host  and  the 
father  of  his  bride. 

Seized  by  a hundred  cruel  hands,  the  noble  youth 
was  bound  and  thrown  into  a dungeon  of  his  own 
palace ; from  thence  he  was  dragged  by  the  hair  of 
his  head  to  the  place  of  tournaments,  and  slaughtered 
by  Geroui,  the  willing  tool  of  Guersiwez.  Not  con- 
tent with  this  foul  deed,  this  crime  against  the  laws 
of  hospitality,  Afrasiab  then  directed  his  fury  against 
his  daughter,  Ferenguiz  ; she  was  cast  into  prison, 
and  the  order  went  forth  to  slay  her  likewise,  be- 
cause she  was  about  to  become  a mother,  and  the 
ruthless  king  of  Touran  would  have  none  of  the  off- 
spring of  the  murdered  Iredj  alive  in  his  dominions. 
During  the  occurrence  of  these  tragical  events  the 
great  and  good  Piran-Wisa  was  absent  from  the  court. 
If  he  had  been  there,  the  wisdom  of  his  counsels  might 
have  prevailed  to  turn  Afrasiab  from  his  fell  pur- 
poses. Now  when  he  learned  of  these  events  and 
the  terrible  fate  that  awaited  Ferenguiz,  he  flew  to 
his  stables  and  saddling  his  swiftest  steed  with  his 
own  hands,  he  dashed  over  hill  and  valley,  stopping 
neither  to  eat  nor  sleep  until  he  drew  rein  before  the 
pavilion  of  King  Afrasiab. 

With  noble  courage  Piran-Wisa  strode  into  the 
presence  of  the  cruel  king  and  upbraiding  him  for 


76 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


his  perfidy,  foretold  a certain  retribution  when  Kei 
Kaoos  and  Rustem  should  learn  of  the  treatment 
awarded  to  the  pure  and  high-minded  Siawusch. 
Piran-Wisa  pleaded  also  in  lofty  tones  for  the  life 
of  Ferenguiz,  until  Afrasiab  hung  his  head  in  shame  ; 
his  soul  was  seized  with  remorse,  and  he  ordered  his 
daughter  to  be  released  from  her  chains  and  given  to 
the  care  of  Piran-Wisa,  who  promised  to  be  responsi- 
ble for  her  child  when  it  should  be  born. 

When  a son  was  given  to  Ferenguiz  she  called  him 
Kei  Khosroo,  in  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  her  mur- 
dered husband,  and  again  Piran-Wisa  interposed  to 
save  the  infant’s  life  from  the  executioners.  He 
caused  the  child  to  be  given  to  a shepherd,  who 
was  to  bring  him  up  to  the  charge  of  flocks  and 
herds,  and  carefully  to  keep  concealed  from  him  the 
fact  of  his  origin  from  a line  of  kings.  But  in  the 
course  of  years  King  Afrasiab  awoke  one  night  and 
brooded  over  the  fact  that  a scion  of  the  royal  house 
of  Persia,  a son  of  the  murdered  Siawusch,  still  lived 
and  might  become  the  avenger  of  his  father  and  a 
scourge  to  Touran.  Oppressed  with  these  thoughts, 
Afrasiab  sent,  ere  it  was  dawn,  for  Piran-Wisa  to  con- 
fer with  him  on  the  subject.  On  the  one  hand,  the 
king  dreaded  to  leave  the  youth  alive,  and  on  the 
other  hand,  his  conscience  forbade  him  to  shed  more 
innocent  blood  in  order  to  ensure  the  safety  of  his 
throne.  The  fate  of  the  young  Kei  Khosroo  hung 
in  the  balance.  While  he  was  sleeping  on  the  gray 
mountains  by  the  side  of  his  flocks,  little  imagining 
his  destiny,  a king  was  deciding  for  him  the  question 
of  life  and  death. 


SIA  WUSCH. 


77 


Again  the  good  Piran-Wisa  came  to  the  aid  of 
mercy  and  justice,  and  by  his  cunning  succeeded  in 
preserving  the  shepherd  lad  for  the  great  destiny 
that  was  in  store  for  him.  Piran-Wisa  represented 
that  there  was  nothing  to  fear  from  a boy  who  was  a 
mere  idiot,  without  intelligence,  although  exceed- 
ingly handsome.  His  fears  thus  quieted,  Afrasiab 
swore  a great  oath,  the  oath  of  kings,  by  the  bright 
day  and  the  dark  night,  and  God  the  Creator,  that 
he  would  never  do  any  harm  to  Kei  Khosroo.  Re- 
assured by  this  tremendous  oath,  Piran-Wisa  went  to 
the  mountains  and  sought  out  the  royal  shepherd 
boy  and  brought  him  before  the  king,  having  first 
carefully  instructed  him  to  act  the  part  of  an  idiot. 
When  he  entered  the  palace  of  Afrasiab  strong  men 
wept  as  they  thought  of  the  fate  of  his  father,  and 
even  the  hard-hearted  king  condescended  to  shed 
a tear  when  he  gazed  on  his  grandson  for  the  first 
time.  But  Piran-Wisa  shook  with  dread  when  he  be- 
held the  defenceless  youth  standing  in  the  presence 
of  the  terrible  king. 

For  a long  time  Afrasiab  gazed  on  Kei'  Khosroo, 
while  pity  and  hate,  the  remembrance  of  his  vow, 
and  the  dread  of  the  house  of  Feridoon,  shook  his 
bosom  with  conflicting  emotions.  At  length  his  bet- 
ter nature  prevailed,  and  he  addressed  the  youth 
with  pleasant  words,  asking  him  such  questions  as 
he  thought  would  prove  whether  Piran-Wisa  had  told 
him  the  truth  in  regard  to  his  idiocy.  Kei  Khosroo 
answered  so  cunningly  that  Afrasiab  was  convinced 
that  his  mind  was  indeed  weak  and  that  there  was 
no  cause  to  fear  aught  from  him  in  the  future. 


78 


THE  STORY  OF  PER  S/A. 


Greatly  pleased,  Afrasiab  ordered  Piran-Wisa  to 
carry  Kei  Khosroo  to  Siawuschgird  and  leave  him 
in  the  care  of  his  mother,  Ferenguiz. 

But  while  these  events  were  occurring  in  Touran, 
tidings  of  the  fate  of  Siawusch  reached  Persia.  Great 
was  the  rage  of  Kei  Kaoos  and  Rustem ; deep  was 
the  remorse  of  Kei  Kaoos  for  the  conduct  which  had 
driven  his  son  from  him  and  deprived  Persia  of  so 
noble  an  heir  to  the  throne,  while  universal  lamenta- 
tion filled  the  hearts  of  all  the  people.  When  the 
great  Rustem  heard  the  sad  tidings,  he  called  to  mind 
the  days  when  Siawusch,  while  yet  a mere  youth,  had 
studied  the  art  of  war  with  him  in  Seistan.  He  arose 
and  vowed  not  to  rest  until  he  had  wreaked  ven- 
geance on  the  king  of  Touran.  Then  he  journeyed  to 
the  capital,  and  in  the  presence  of  Kei'  Kaoos  him- 
self, accused  Soudabeh  of  being  the  wicked  cause  of 
a catastrophe  which  had  reft  Persia  of  one  who 
promised  to  be  the  pride  and  glory  of  that  ancient 
monarchy.  He  offered  his  aid  to  crush  Afrasiab, 
on  condition  that  Soudabeh  be  sacrificed  for  her 
crimes,  and  then  proceeded  from  the  audience-hall 
of  Kei  Kaoos  to  the  apartments  of  the  women  and 
seized  Soudabeh.  The  shrieks  and  entreaties  of  the 
unhappy  queen  were  of  no  avail  when  she  was  at  last 
in  the  terrible  grasp  of  Rustem.  He  dragged  her 
forth  into  the  outer  court  and  plunged  a poignard 
into  her  heart. 

From  all  parts  of  Persia  a vast  army  was  now 
gradually  assembled,  which  with  slow  but  steady 
march  proceeded  towards  the  frontier  and  invaded 
the  territory  of  King  Afrasiab.  The  uneasy  con- 


AT  BEHi: 


8o 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


science  of  that  treacherous  monarch  and  the  re- 
doubtable arm  of  Rustem  brought  about  the  com- 
plete overthrow  of  Afrasiab,  who  was  forced  to  seek 
refuge  far  in  the  East  with  the  king  of  China,  and 
Rustem  was  appointed  Viceroy. 

When  Afrasiab  fled  towards  the  far  East  he  caused 
Ferenguiz  and  Kei  Khosroo  to  be  driven  into  a hid- 
den nook  distant  in  Central  Asia,  where  for  a long 
time  all  traces  of  them  were  lost.  But  at  last  Guiv, 
one  of  the  heroes  of  the  court  of  Kei  Kaoos,  suc- 
ceeded in  finding  them,  and  after  many  thrilling 
adventures  brought  them  to  Ispahan,  where  Kei 
Khosroo  was  received  with  much  joy  by  his  grand- 
father, Kei  Kaoos,  who  was  now  very  old.  Indeed 
Kei  Kaoos  was  drawing  near  the  end  of  his  long 
and  disturbed  reign,  and  he  had  scarcely  named  Kei 
Khosroo  for  his  successor,  than  he  felt  the  hand  of 
death  lie  heavily  upon  him. 

After  Kei  Kaoos  had  gone,  his  old  enemy  Afra- 
siab made  a final  effort  to  recover  his  throne.  Rus- 
tem being  also  of  great  age  and  desirous  of  ending 
his  days  in  Seistan,  left  Touran.  Afrasiab  seized 
this  opportunity  to  collect  a large  army,  and  at 
first  met  with  some  success.  But  Kei  Khosroo, 
whom  he  had  so  justly  dreaded,  was  now  in  the 
bloom  of  early  manhood,  at  the  opening  of  a long 
and  glorious  career.  He  had  also  the  task  of  aven- 
ging the  murder  of  his  father,  Siawusch,  and  he  en- 
tered therefore  on  this  his  first  campaign  with  great 
ardor.  In  his  last  struggle,  Afrasiab  displayed  ability 
and  fought  with  the  force  of  despair.  But  he  fought 
in  vain  ; and  a career  which  had  for  many  years  been 


S/A  WUSCH. 


8l 


sullied  with  blood,  and  wrought  so  much  evil  to 
Persia,  was  at  last  destined  to  close  in  defeat. 

But  the  victory  of  Kei  Khosroo  was  not  an  easy 
one ; the  armies  of  Touran  had  never  fought  with  such 
obstinacy  and  courage  ; repeatedly  was  a truce  agreed 
on  to  allow  both  armies  to  rest.  At  length  the  good 
Piran-Wisa  was  slain.  He  had  always  been  the  friend 
of  Siawusch.  To  him  Kei  Khosroo  owed  his  life  on 
several  occasions ; but  when  Piran-Wisa  saw  that 
war  was  inevitable,  he  could  do  no  less  than  fight  for 
his  country,  even  if  in  doing  so  he  opposed  Kei 
Khosroo.  Once  he  was  taken  prisoner,  but  was  re- 
leased at  the  intercession  of  Ferenguiz.  And  when, 
at  last,  in  a later  conflict,  he  fell  covered  with 
wounds  in  honorable  battle,  the  glorious  veteran  was 
mourned  by  both  armies,  and  Kei  Khosroo  caused  a 
sumptuous  tomb  to  be  erected  over  his  grave.  But 
when  the  treacherous  Guersiwez,  who  had  betrayed 
the  father  of  Kei  Khosroo,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Persians,  he  was  executed  with  the  treatment  he  had 
so  richly  deserved.  In  the  end  Afrasiab  himself  was 
slain  by  the  terrible  arm  of  Kei  Khosroo,  and  the 
hosts  of  Persia  filed  victorious  through  the  fallen 
palaces  of  her  greatest  foe.  In  the  words  of  the 
Persian  bard  : “ The  spider  hath  woven  his  web  in 
the  imperial  palace  ; and  the  owl  hath  sung  her 
watch-song  on  the  towers  of  Afrasiab.” 


VII. 

KEI  KHOSROO,  OR  CYRUS. 

Hitherto  we  have  been  considering  episodes  in 
the  legendary  history  of  Persia.  Although  scarcely 
alluded  to  in  the  Greek  and  Roman  accounts  of 
Persia,  yet  they  have  great  value  among  the  Persians 
themselves,  and  are  undoubtedly  founded  upon  ac- 
tual events  that  occurred  before  the  period  of  which 
the  Greeks  began  their  accounts  of  Oriental  history. 
In  narrating  the  history  of  Persia  from  the  com- 
mencement of  Kei  Khosroo,  or  Kur,  as  the  Persians 
call  him,  or  Kuros,  according  to  the  Greeks  and 
Romans,  and  Cyrus  in  our  language,  we  find  it 
often  difficult  to  distinguish  between  what  is  true 
and  what  is  false,  for  there  is  great  diversity  in  the 
records  of  Persia,  as  given  by  her  own  historians 
and  those  of  Greece.  This  is  especially  the  case  in 
the  rendering. of  proper  names,  of  which  a striking 
example  is  seen  in  the  various  ways  of  expressing 
the  name  of  Cyrus.  In  general,  a comparison  of 
the  two  records  seems  to  indicate  that  greater  reli- 
ance can  be  placed  upon  the  statements  of  the  Greek 
historians,  although,  doubtless,  often  exaggerated. 
But  the  Persian  method  of  giving  Persian  proper 
names  is,  on  the  other  hand,  far  more  correct ; to 


82 


KEI  KHOSROO,  OR  CYRUS. 


83 


adopt  it,  however,  in  this  volume  in  the  case  of  names 
already  familiar  to  us  under  other  forms,  seems  in 
the  present  case  unadvisable,  and  thus  we  shall  say 
Cyrus  instead  of  Kei  Khosroo,  and  Darius  Hystaspes 
instead  of  Dara  Gushtasp,  and  Artaxerxes  instead 
of  Ardesheer,  and,  of  course,  Alexander  instead  of 
Iskender. 

Nor  is  it  expedient  in  a volume  of  this  size  to  go 
into  a discussion  concerning  the  discrepancies  or 
historic  difficulties  that  exist  between  the  records 
of  the  Persian  and  the  Greek  or  classic  historians. 
But  the  writer  will  give  a simple  statement  of  the 
facts  which  appear  to  him  most  likely  to  be  the  true 
ones,  and  generally  those  which  European  scholars 
have  accepted  as  belonging  most  correctly  to  the 
history  of  Persia  since  the  commencement  of  the 
reign  of  Cyrus. 

At  the  time  of  the  birth  of  Cyrus  the  territory  of 
Persia  appears  to  have  included  the  provinces  of 
Ears  or  Pars,  and  Iran  or  Irak,  which  is  now  the 
centre  of  present  Persia,  and  was  called  from  it  by 
the  Persians  themselves  Iran,*  evidently  another  way 
of  pronouncing  Aryan.  Besides  this,  it  extended 
to  the  shores  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  probably  over 
part  of  Assyria  and  Arabia  on  the  south,  and  in  the 
east  over  part  if  not  all  of  the  country  now  called 
Afghanistan.  In  the  northwest.  Media  and  Ar- 
menia and  the  adjacent  provinces  of  Asia  Minor 
formed  the  kingdom  of  Media,  with  the  capital  at 
Ecbatana,  now  called  Hamadan.  Media  seems  to 

* This  word  is  spelled  thus  in  this  volume  in  accordance  with  ac- 
cepted usage  ; but  it  is  pronounced  by  Persians,  Erau. 


84 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


have  held  close  relations  with  Persia,  but  was  prac- 
tically independent,  and  at  that  time  was  ruled  by 
Astyages.  Directly  north  of  Iran  was  the  moun- 
tainous region  of  the  Elborz,  called  by  the  Greeks 
Hyrcania,  which  was  only  partially  subdued  by  and 
in  a constant  state  of  insurrection  against  Persia. 
On  the  northeast  was  the  vast  region  called  by  the 
Persians  Touran,  of  whose  wars  with  Iran  so  much 
has  been  related  on  the  previous  pages.  It  is 
probable  that  the  beginnings  of  the  Persian  empire 
were  partly  in  that  region  ; the  early  legends  sug- 
gest this.  The  Touranians  were  Tartars  or  Turks, 
whose  mounted  hosts  many  times  since  then  have 
invaded  and  devastated  the  territories  of  Iran,  al- 
though such  has  been  the  vitality  of  the  Persian  race 
that  it  has  proved  impossible  for  the  Touranians  to 
remain  long  as  conquerors  on  the  soil  of  Iran.  By 
the  Greeks  the  Touranians  were  called  Scythians, 
Massagetse,  and  Saccse. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  Central  Asia  at  the 
time  when  Kei  Khosroo,  or  Cyrus,  called  the  Elder, 
was  born.  In  the  previous  chapter  we  have  learned 
the  Persian  account  of  the  parentage  and  early  life 
of  Cyrus.  Greek  historians  state  that  he  was  the 
grandson  of  Astyages,  while  Persians  record  that  his 
grandfather  was  Afrasiab.  Both  accounts  resemble 
each  other  in  the  particulars  of  his  infancy  and 
youth,  and  for  this  reason  it  seems  preferable  to  be- 
lieve that  in  boyhood  Cyrus  led  a humble  life  among 
the  mountains  with  shepherds,  although  modern 
historians  are  inclined  to  reject  entirely  the  stories 
about  his  infancy,  as  fictitious. 


TOMB  OF  CYRUS. 


86 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


By  Greek  historians,  as  well  as  modern  writers, 
it  has  been  the  custom  to  regard  Cyrus  as  the 
founder  of  the  Persian  empire.  This  is  only  meas- 
urably true.  That  the  Persian  people,  as  one  of  the 
great  representative  branches  of  the  so-called  Aryan 
race,  had  existed  as  a distinct  nation  for  ages  before 
the  coming  of  Cyrus,  there  is  no  sound  reason  for 
doubting. 

But  at  the  same  time,  as  indicated  above,  another 
branch  of  the  Aryan  race,  called  the  Medes,  had  es- 
tablished themselves  northwest  of  Persis,  or  the  orig- 
inal seat  of  the  subsequent  Persian  empire,  which  is 
now  partially  represented  by  the  province  of  Pars. 
At  the  birth  of  Cyrus  the  Medes  had  already  reached 
a good  degree  of  civilization  and  power.  Their  capi- 
tal of  Ecbatana,  now  called  Hamadan,  was  surround- 
ed by  seven  walls,  and  contained  magnificent  pal- 
aces. Cyaxares,  a Median  king,^  carried  his  arms 
as  far  west  as  the  Mediterranean,  and  although 
obliged  to  retire  in  consequence  of  a total  eclipse, 
580  B.C.,  Avhich  threw  his  army  into  confusion,  yet  he 
made  such  an  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  Greeks, 
that  for  centuries  later  they  called  all  Persians  alike, 
by  the  name  of  Medes.  It  is  recorded  of  Cyaxares 
that  he  was  the  first  Asiatic  monarch  to  introduce 
a regular  organization  in  the  conduct  of  war,  divid- 
ing his  troops  into  distinct  battalions  according  to 
the  arms  they  bore,  and  also  making  the  infantry  an 
important  branch  of  the  service.  It  seems  that  pre- 
vious to  that  period  the  vast  desert  uplands  of  Cen- 

* There  is  little  question  that  the  Cyaxares  of  the  Greek  historians  is 
the  Kel  Kaoos  of  Persian  legend. 


KEI  KHOSROO,  OR  CYRUS.  8/ 

tral  Asia  had  suggested  the  use  only  of  mounted 
troops.  We  may  infer  from  this  fact  also  that  at 
this  time  those  parts  of  Asia  began  to  be  traversed 
by  made  roads,  facilitating  the  movements  of  trade 
and  war. 

It  was  during  the  reign  of  Cyaxares,  and  while  he 
was  absent  invading  Assyria,  that  the  Touranians' 
made  one  of  their  frequent  invasions  into  Persia,  and 
for  a time  held  Media  under  a tyranny  so  galling 
that  Cyaxares  was  at  last  impelled  to  destroy  them 
by  a stratagem  that  was  peculiarly  Oriental.  He 
ordained  a grand  banquet  in  the  pleasure  halls  of 
Ecbatana,  for  it  appears  that  the  Touranians  had 
imprudently  permitted  him  not  only  to  survive  his 
subjection  to  their  power,  but  also  left  him  some 
semblance  of  wealth  and  authority.  To  this  ban- 
quet were  invited  the  Touranian  chieftains,  where 
they  were  plied  with  wine  until  intoxicated  ; while 
they  were  in  this  state  Cyaxares  gave  the  signal,  and 
a troop  of  warriors  issued  from  a place  of  conceal- 
ment and  cut  them  to  pieces.  This  tragedy  was  fol- 
lowed by  a general  rising  of  the  Medes  and  the  ex- 
pulsion of  their  Touranian  tyrants. 

It  v/as  among  the  Medes  that  the  famous  sect  of 
the  fire-worshippers  first  took  root  in  the  Persian 
race.  This  religion  is  said  by  some  to  have  origi- 
nated in  Atropatene,  now  represented  by  the  north- 
west province  of  modern  Persia,  called  Azerbaijan. 
But  this  is  probably  an  error,  as  the  peculiar  doc- 
trines of  the  sect  seem  to  have  previously  existed 
far  in  the  East,  in  Bactria  or  beyond.  But  as  there  is 
no  doubt  that  Zoroaster  or  Zerdusht  was  the  founder 


88 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


of  this  religion  in  Persia,  and  as  he  was  a native  of 
Atropatene,  it  may  be  inferred  that  he  travelled  in 
the  Bactria,  and  brought  thence  the  ideas  on  which 
he  built  a religious  system  which  continues  to  exist 
to  our  time  and  is  acknowledged  to  be  one  of  the 
great  fundamental  religions  of  the  world.  While  the 
fire-worshippers  made  fire  the  symbol  of  the  Al- 
mighty, yet  it  would  be  an  error  to  conclude  that 
that  this  was  all  that  was  included  in  their  creed ; 
for  Zoroaster  laid  down  many  rules  of  morality,  and 
in  the  commentaries  he  either  wrote  or  collected, 
suggested  profound  theories  about  the  All  Ruler 
of  the  universe  and  the  destiny  of  man.  The  priest- 
hood of  this  sect  were  called  mobeds  or  magi,  and 
formed  a distinct  community  who  had  great  influ- 
ence and  power. 

But  while  Media  and  Persis  had  thus  side  by  side 
represented  the  Aryan  race  for  ages,  yet  Cyrus  may 
perhaps  be  justly  considered  the  founder  of  the 
Persian  monarchy  of  the  great  Achemenian  line,  as 
he,  being  the  fourth  in  descent  from  Achemenes,  or  of 
a prominent  chief  of  that  name,  succeeded  in  uniting 
the  Median  and  the  Persian  branches  of  the  Aryan 
race  under  one  sceptre,  and  gave  to  the  now  united 
empire  the  name  of  his  own  country.  There  is 
reason  to  believe  that  Cyrus  succeeded  in  over- 
coming Astyages,  the  king  of  the  Medes,  by  the 
treachery  of  Harpagus,  a Median  dignitary  of  high 
rank.  After  their  union  with  Persia,  the  Medians 
in  turn  instructed  their  conquerors  in  the  arts  of 
civilization. 

Greek  historians  have  ascribed  many  noble  quali- 


KEI  KHOSROO,  OR  CYRUS. 


89 


ties  to  Cyrus,  which  a wider  knowledge  of  Oriental 
history  than  they  possessed  leads  us  to  consider  as 
impossible  in  an  Eastern  monarch.  The  exaggerated 
statements  of  classic  historians  regarding  Cyrus  are 
due  quite  as  much  to  the  fact  that  he  was  the  first 
Persian  king  with  whom  the  Greeks  came  into  direct 
collision  as  to  his  real  greatness.  For  the  same 
reason  we  learn  from  the  Greeks  far  more  of  Cyrus 
and  his  successors  than  of  the  Persian  kings  whom 
modern  historians  speak  of  as  legendary,  of  whom  so 
much  has  been  recorded  on  previous  pages  of  this 
volume.  It  is  as  decided  a mistake  to  consider  the 
Persian  nation  to  have  begun  with  Cyrus  as  to  com- 
mence the  history  of  England  with  William  the 
Conqueror. 

But  while  saying  this  much  in  favor  of  the  im- 
portance of  that  portion  of  the  history  of  Persia 
which  the  Greek  historians  neglected  to  notice,  we 
may  well  grant  that  Cyrus  was  undoubtedly  a mon- 
arch of  unusual  ability,  and  a conqueror  whose  ex- 
ploits have  justly  merited  immortality.  The  reign 
of  Cyrus  seems  to  have  begun  about  the  year  558 
B.C.,  and  to  have  continued  thirty  years.  Having 
subdued  the  kingdom  of  Media,  Cyrus  turned  his 
attention  to  the  Touranians,  and  this  may  have  been 
the  war  to  which  Persian  historians  refer,  which  he 
undertook,  according  to  their  legends,  in  order  to 
avenge  the  death  of  his  father.  It  was  after  this 
that  Cyrus  undertook  the  great  war  against  the 
Greek  colonial  states  along  the  western  shores  of 
Asia  Minor  previously  threatened  by  Cyaxares, 
thus  for  the  first  time  bringing  the  two  civili- 


90 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


zations  of  Europe  and  Asia  into  direct  contact, 
for  these  lonians,  Dorians,  and  Lydians  of  Asia 
Minor  had  brought  their  arts  and  customs  from 
Greece,  and  in  their  character  were  Europeans 
rather  than  Asiatics.  Croesus,  King  of  Lydia,  was  at 
this  time  ruler  of  Asia  Minor  west  of  the  river  Halys, 
having  united  all  the  Greek  colonies  in  that  region 
under  one  sceptre.  He  seems  to  have  been  a man 
of  uncommon  ability,  as  well  as  ambition.  The 
rising  greatness  of  Cyrus  began  to  arouse  the  atten- 
tion of  Croesus,  and  he  consulted  the  famous  oracle 
at  Delphi  for  guidance  in  this  crisis  of  his  affairs; 
crisis  it  was  indeed,  for  the  boundaries  of  Persia  and 
Lydia  were  gradually  drawing  nearer,  and  the  ambi- 
tion of  two  such  restless  monarchs  foretold  a conflict 
between  them. 

Although  Croesus  paid  large  sums  of  gold  out  of 
his  almost  fabulous  treasures  in  order  to  draw  a fav- 
orable reply  from  the  oracle,  the  crafty  pythoness  or 
priestess  of  Apollo  would  pronounce  nothing  more 
definite  than  that  if  Croesus  made  war  on  Persia  he 
would  destroy  a great  empire.  This  was  sufficiently 
vague,  but  Croesus  assuming  it  meant  that  the  empire 
to  suffer  would  be  that  of  Cyrus,  instead  of  reflecting 
that  possibly  it  might  be  his  own,  declared  war  and 
invaded  the  dominions  of  Cyrus.  After  an  indecisive 
campaign,  Croesus  was  preparing  to  obtain  auxiliaries 
from  Egypt  ; but  it  was  here  that  Cyrus  displayed 
military  genius  ; for  he  followed  his  antagonist  so 
closely,  although  still  his  equal  in  the  field,  that 
Croesus  was  forced  to  fight  a great  battle  at  Thym- 
bra,  where  he  was  defeated  and  shut  up  in  Sardis, 


KEI  KHOSROO,  OR  CYRUS. 


91 


his  capital.  At  the  end  of  fourteen  days  Sardis  sur- 
rendered and  was  burned  ; and  the  Greek  colonies 
came  under  the  rule  of  Persia,  to  which  they  con- 
tinued subject  for  centuries.  Cyrus  seems  to  have 
shown  greatness  of  soul  in  his  treatment  of  Croesus, 
who  although  taken  to  Persia  was  treated  with  kind- 
ness and  distinction  until  his  death  at  a great  age. 
Such  was  the  varied  career  of  a king  whose  wealth 
was  so  vast  even  for  a monarch,  that  it  has  passed 
into  a proverb. 

The  next  exploit  of  Cyrus,  which  probably  con- 
tributed more  than  any  other  since  the  origin  of 
Persia  to  elevate  its  civilization  and  give  it  a perma- 
nent character,  was  the  capture  of  Babylon,  the 
ancient  capital  of  the  consolidated  empire  of 
Babylon  and  Assyria.  This  great  metropolis  is  re- 
corded to  have  covered  an  area  of  seventy  square 
miles  on  each  side  of  the  river  Euphrates.  It  is 
probable,  judging  from  the  character  of  most 
Oriental  cities,  that  much  of  this  space  was 
covered  with  extensive  gardens,  either  for  orchards 
and  grazing  fields  or  pleasure  grounds  around  the 
extensive  mansions  of  the  nobles  as  well  as  of  the 
palaces  of  the  sovereign.  But,  in  any  case,  there 
can  be  no  question  that  Babylon  contained  a vast 
population  and  was  decorated  with  many  superb  pal- 
aces and  sumptuous  temples,  of  which  the  most  promi- 
nent was  the  famous  tower  of  Bel,  or  Belus,  the  god, 
which  was  reputed  to  be  one  of  the  seven  won- 
ders of  the  world.  It  was  constructed  in  eight  sep- 
arate towers,  one  over  the  other;  and  the  topmost 
was  the  chamber  of  the  god,  containing  furniture  of 
solid  gold. 


92 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


The  city  was  surrounded  by  the  most  extraordin- 
ary walls  of  defence  the  world  has  seen.  They 
were  constructed  of  bricks,  cemented  with  bitumen 
instead  of  mortar,  and  were  of  enormous  height  and 
thickness,  and  surrounded  by  a deep  ditch.  Against 
the  military  engines  of  those  times  the  fortifications 
of  Babylon  were  impregnable.  All  the  streets  lead- 
ing to  the  river  banks  were  also  closed  with  gates  of 
brass.  The  great  gardens  of  the  city  were  capa- 
ble of  raising  provisions  to  enable  the  city  to  resist 
a siege  for  an  indefinite  period. 

Stratagem  was  the  only  way  to  capture  this  great 
city.  In  this  instance  Cyrus  was  aided  in  his  plans 
by  the  sense  of  security  which  caused  the  besieged 
to  relax  their  vigilance  ; and  it  is  also  likely  that 
treachery,  so  common  a vice  among  Asiatics,  came 
to  the  aid  of  the  designs  of  Cyrus.  The  Persian  king 
had  besieged  Babylon  for  nearly  two  years,  and 
seemed  no  nearer  the  attainment  of  his  object  than 
when  he  sat  down  before  its  gates  with  a vast  army. 
To  storm  the  walls  was  out  of  the  question  ; to 
starve  the  garrison  was  hopeless  ; but  to  retire  from 
the  siege  was  for  Persia  to  confess  that  she  had 
reached  the  limit  of  her  conquests. 

Again  it  was  genius  that  assisted  Cyrus ; to  an 
ordinary  general  the  plan  he  now  devised  for  the 
capture  of  Babylon  could  not  have  occurred.  His 
scheme  was  to  turn  the  course  of  the  Euphrates  and 
enter  the  city  by  marching  along  the  bed  of  the 
river  on  a night  when  it  was  the  custom  for  all 
Babylon  to  abandon  itself  annually  to  revelry,  from 
the  king  to  the  lowest  soldier.  Such  is  the  size  of 


KEI  KHOSROO.  OR  CYRUS. 


93 


the  Euphrates,  that  only  a genius  of  the  most  daring 
character  could  have  dreamed  of  such  an  enterprise 
and  successfully  achieved  it.  There  was  a lake  in 
the  vicinity  of  Babylon  which  had  been  excavated  by 
Nebuchadnezzar  to  contain  the  waters  of  the  river, 
while  he  was  facing  the  banks  within  the  walls  with 
bricks.  Between  the  lake  and  river  was  a canal; 
both  lake  and  canal  were  probably  dry  at  this  time, 
and  the  river  was  prevented  from  entering  them  by  a 
high  broad  embankment.  As  soon  as  night  set  in, 


DARIUS  HUNTS. 


probably  a long  night  in  winter,  Cyrus  ordered  a 
large  division  of  his  host  to  break  down  the  dam. 
The  size  of  his  army  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact 
that  while  there  were  enough  present  to  open  a 
passage  for  the  Euphrates  into  the  lake  by  mid- 
night, large  divisions  were  stationed  where  the  river 
entered  and  left  the  city,  with  orders  to  march  up 
the  dry  bed  into  the  heart  of  the  capital.  Even  after 
proceeding  thus  far,  this  desperate  enterprise  might 
have  failed,  and  the  Persian  army  been  utterly  de- 


94 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


stroyed,  if  the  brass  gates  of  the  streets  leading  to 
the  river  had  been  closed.  Notwithstanding  the 
general  revelry  that  reigned  throughout  the  city,  it 
is  too  much  to  believe  that  all  these  gates  were  left 
open.  It  is  more  probable  that  one  or  two  only 
were  carelessly  neglected,  or  that  Cyrus  had  suc- 
ceeded in  bribing  some  of  the  garrison. 

Belshazzar,  the  king  of  Babylon,  was  in  his  palace 
surrounded  by  his  wives  and  the  nobles  of  the 
empire.  The  pillared  halls  were  lit  by  the  glare  of 
myriad  lights,  and  the  splendor  of  the  occasion  was^ 
increased  by  the  gleam  of  vessels  of  silver  and  gold, 
by  jewels  accumulated  for  ages,  and  the  responsive 
flash  of  eyes  more  glorious  than  the  diamonds  of 
Ind.  The  beat  of  timbrels,  the  songs  of  dancing 
girls,  rang  before  the  couch  where  the  voluptuous 
monarch  reposed,  little  imagining  that  he  was  fling- 
ing away  the  treasures,  the  power,  the  crown,  and 
the  life  inherited  from  a long  dynasty  of  kings. 

At  that  moment,  as  the  sacred  Scriptures  record, 
Belshazzar  was  struck  dumb  by  a vision  of  strange 
and  awful  portent.  On  the  wall  of  his  palace  he 
beheld  emblazoned  in  letters  of  fire  the  mysterious 
words,  “ mene,  mene,  tekel,  upharsin.”  When 
the  king  could  recover  his  speech,  he  hoarsely  com- 
manded the  astrologers  and  wise  men  of  Babylon  to 
be  summoned  into  his  presence  and  promised  that 
he  among  them  who  should  rightly  interpret  those 
words  should  have  a chain  of  gold  and  be  promoted 
to  the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of  the  king. 

The  words  were  Chaldaean  and  easily  understood  ; 
the  question  was  to  interpret  what  was  their  appli- 


KEI  KHOSROO,  OR  CYRUS. 


95 


cation  on  this  occasion.  It  is  probable  that  the  in- 
terpretation was  understood  by  all  the  wise  men,  but 
only  one  dared  incur  the  terrible  wrath  of  an  Eastern 
king  by  repeating  the  interpretation  to  Belshazzar. 
That  man  was  Daniel,  who  declared  that  the  mys- 
terious words  foretold  the  approaching  downfall  and 
death  of  Belshazzar  himself.  To  the  honor  of  the 
haughty  monarch,  instead  of  ordering  Daniel  to  be 
slain  for  so  fearlessly  pronouncing  his  doom,  he  kept 
the  promise  he  had  made.  This  remarkable  scene 
is  not  mentioned  by  other  historical  writers,  but 
there  is  no  good  reason  for  doubting  that  Belshaz- 
zar, perhaps  in  a drunken  frenzy,  beheld  before  his 
mind’s  eye  a wild  vision,  whose  interpretation  he 
demanded  of  the  astrologers.  Such  an  event  is 
quite  in  accordance  with  the  general  tenor  of  Orien- 
tal history. 

But  while  these  scenes  were  transpiring  in  the 
banqueting-halls  of  the  imperial  palace,  platoons  of 
Persian  troops  were  marching  along  the  dry  bed  of 
the  Euphrates  and  stealthily  approaching  the  royal 
abode.  When  at  last  the  fearful  cry  ran  forth  over 
the  city,  that  the  foe  was  within  the  very  walls  of 
Babylon  itself,  the  capital  was  already  doomed. 
Resistance  was  in  vain.  From  street  to  street,  from 
hall  to  hall,  the  Persians  swarmed  sword  in  hand. 
The  revellers,  fled  in  all  directions  for  safety,  and 
everywhere  encountered  the  enemy  fierce  and  irresist- 
ible. Belshazzar  was  slain  on  the  steps  of  his  throne, 
and  his  wives  were  carried  into  captivity. 

This  great  event  occurred  538  B.C.  When  we  con- 
sider the  condition  of  the  art  of  war  in  those  times. 


96 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


the  character  of  the  defences  of  Babylon,  and  the 
superiority  of  her  civilization  over  that  of  Persia  at 
that  period,  we  must  conclude  that  the  capture  of 
Babylon  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  military 
achievements  of  all  ages,  and  that  Cyrus  must  be 
awarded  a position  among  the  greatest  generals  in 
history. 

After  these  events  Cyrus  was  engaged  in  fresh 
wars  with  the  hereditary  enemies  of  Persia  in  the 
north  and  east,  and  seems  to  have  extended  his 
arms  as  far  as  India.  The  accounts  of  his  death  are 
conflicting.  But  it  is  generally  accepted  that  he  was 
killed  in  a great  battle  with  the  Touranians.  Some 
historians  call  the  people  with  whom  he  was  engaged 
at  the  time,  the  Massagetae ; others,  the  Derbices  or 
the  Saccae.  In  either  case  it  was  undoubtedly  one 
of  the  numerous  tribes  of  Touran.  Persian  legends 
confirm  this  statement  of  the  death  of  Cyrus,  for 
they  say  that  towards  the  close  of  his  life  he  re- 
signed the  throne  and  mysteriously  disappeared  into 
philosophic  retirement  in  the  north.  As  the  Persian 
historians,  according  to  their  custom,  would  be  in- 
clined to  say  little  that  would  be  against  one  of  their 
favorite  heroes,  this  is  evidently  the  way  they  have 
taken  to  explain  his  defeat  and  death. 

But  the  battle,  whether  a defeat  or  indecisive  for 
the  Persians,  does  not  appear  to  have  been  so  over- 
whelming an  overthrow  as  to  prevent  them  from 
bringing  back  the  body  of  the  great  warrior  and 
king  to  be  buried  in  his  native  land.  That  Cyrus 
was  buried  at  Passargadae,  his  capital,  there  is  no 
doubt,  for  a marble  tomb  is  still  standing  there  in 


}CEI  KHOSROO,  OR  CYRUS. 


97 


the  plain  of  Murgab,  which  has  in  all  ages  been 
reputed  to  be  the  last  resting-place  of  Cyrus.  We  al- 
so know  that  Passargad,  or  Passargadse,  as  the  Greeks 
called  it,  was  the  capital  of  Persia  during  his  reign, 
notwithstanding  that  some  historians  state  that  after 
the  capture  of  Babylon  Cyrus  removed  his  court  to 
Susa  or  Sushan,  near  the  Euphrates.  But  as  Per- 
sepolis,  which  was  also  in  the  plain  of  Murgab,  was, 
until  the  conquest  of  Alexander,  the  real  capital  of 
Persia,  Susa  was  probably  only  one  of  the  numer- 
ous resorts  which  it  continues  to  be  the  custom  of 
the  kings  of  Persia  to  establish  in  various  parts  of 
their  dominions,  and  embellish  them  with  sumptuous 
palaces,  and  gardens. 

It  is  interesting  to  learn  from  the  Greek  historians 
who  accompanied  Alexander  the  Great  to  Persepolis, 
that  in  their  time  the  tomb  of  Cyrus  was  still  in 
good  preservation,  surrounded  by  shade  trees.  On 
entering  the  tomb  they  found  the  body  of  the  con- 
queror in  a coffin  of  gold,  guarded  by  magi,  or 
priests.  Around  it  were  a golden  couch,  a table 
with  dishes,  embroidered  robes,  and  costly  swords. 
On  the  tomb  was  inscribed  : O,  man,  I am  Cyrus, 
who  won  dominion  for  the  Persians,  and  was  King  of 
Asia.  Grudge  not  this  monument  then  to  me.” 


FROM  CYRUS  TO  DARIUS  I. 

When  one  turns  over  the  records  of  history,  and 
studies  the  career  of  the  men  and  women  who  alter- 
nately inspire  admiration  or  disgust,  love  or  aversion, 
there  is  no  fact  that  becomes  more  impressed  on  the 
mind  than  the  great  contrasts  that  constantly  occur 
in  the  characters  of  those  to  whom,  as  rulers,  has 
been  entrusted  the  happiness  and  welfare  of  men. 
The  greatest  monarchs,  they  who  have  been  most 
prominent  as  benefactors,  have  often  been  succeeded 
by  sons  who  have  been  monsters,  revelling  in  injustice 
and  blood.  Marcus  Aurelius  Antoninus,  the  best  of 
all  the  emperors  of  Rome,  the  purest  and  noblest  of 
heathen  kings,  was  followed  by  Commodus,  one  of 
the  most  ignorant  and  brutal  tyrants  that  has  cursed 
the  earth.  In  like  manner  Cyrus,  who  was  undoubt- 
edly one  of  the  most  beneficent  of  Oriental  sovereigns, 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Cambyses,  whose  extraor- 
dinary career  presents  a marvel  of  human  folly  and 
wickedness. 

He  found  Persia  entering  upon  a period  of  rare 
prosperity,  but  requiring  to  be  for  a time  at  rest,  in 
order  to  consolidate  the  vast  conquests  of  Cyrus. 
Cambyses  seems,  however,  to  have  had  his  reason 

98 


FROM  CYRUS  TO  DARIUS  I. 


99 


affected  by  coming  into  possession  of  such  power. 
He  began  his  reign  by  organizing  an  immense 
armament  of  armies  and  fleets  against  Egypt.  The 
Egyptians  were  defeated  in  a great  battle  at  Pelu- 
sium,  the  gate  to  their  country,  and  Psammetticus, 
the  king  of  this  unhappy  people,  was  cruelly  slain, 
after  Cambyses  entered  the  capital.  We  say  un- 
happy in  speaking  of  the  Egyptians,  for  no  people 
were  ever  more  harshly  treated  by  a conqueror  than 
they  were  when  the  hosts  of  Persia  encamped  on  the 
banks  of  the  Nile  and  profaned  the  majestic  temples 
of  Thebes. 

Having  entirely  subjugated  the  country,  Cambyses 
pushed  his  conquests  far  to  the  south,  among  the 
burning  plains  of  Nubia,  called  in  those  times  Ethi- 
opia ; the  objective  point  of  the  expedition  was  the 
Temple  of  Jupiter  Ammon,  in  the  southwest,  and 
Ethiopia,  in  the  south,  the  latter  division  being 
under  the  charge  of  Cambyses  himself.  He  pene- 
trated as  far  as  Meroe.  The  former  army  vanished 
in  the  desert,  victims  to  thirst  and  the  deadly 
simoom.  The  latter  division  was  also  overcome  by 
hunger,  and  forced  to  return.  The  hardships  of  this 
expedition  seemed  to  increase  the  caprice  and  cruelty 
of  Cambyses.  There  was  no  people  so  superstitious, 
so  addicted  to  the  most  minute  religious  ceremonies, 
so  absorbed  in  a profound  veneration  for  the  gods 
or  the  sacred  symbols,  as  the  Egyptians.  Cam- 
byses left  no  means  untried  to  outrage  every  object 
they  considered  sacred.  When  the  people  of  Mem- 
phis were  engaged  in  rejoicing  at  the  appearance  of 
the  bull  they  worshipped  as  Apis,  Cambyses  himself 


100 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA 


slew  that  sacred  animal  with  a stroke  of  his  poi^nard. 
He  also  gave  himself  up  to  the  most  brutal  excesses. 

In  the  midst  of  this  career  of  unbridled  debauch- 
ery, the  tyrant  dreamed  that  his  brother  Smerdis  had 
conspired  against  him  in  his  absence  from  Persia, 
and  seized  the  throne.  Without  any  confirmation  of 
his  dream,  Cambyses  sent  Prexaspis,  one  of  his  near 


GATEWAY  OF  XERXES  (PERSEPOLIS). 

officers,  to  Persepolis,  who,  without  trial  or  examina- 
tion, caused  the  unfortunate  Smerdis  to  be  secretly 
beheaded.  When  Atossa,  the  sister  and  wife  of 
Cambyses,  heard  of  this  atrocious  deed,  she  up- 
braided her  husband  for  his  wickedness.  He  only 
replied  by  kicking  her  so  violently  in  the  stomach  that 
she  died.  Deciding  to  return  at  once  to  Persia, 


FROM  CYRUS  TO  DARIUS  /. 


lOI 


Cambyses  in  turn  received  a mortal  wound  from  his 
naked  sword  while  in  the  act  of  mounting  his  horse. 

Thus  the  empire  of  Persia,  in  a critical  period  of 
its  existence,  was  left  without  a king  or  any  direct  heir 
to  the  sceptre.  But  when  the  news  of  the  death  of 
Cambyses  reached  Persia,  an  extraordinary  event 
occurred.  Although  a state  secret,  yet  the  death  of 
Smerdis  appears  to  have  been  known  to  some  of  the 
magi.  One  of  them  bore  a striking  resemblance  to 
the  murdered  brother  of  Cambyses,  and  he  now 
usurped  the  throne,  and  for  over  a year  succeeded 
in  avoiding  suspicion.  But  the  false  Smerdis,  for  a 
reason  which  was  afterwards  revealed,  kept  himself 
so  closely  in  the  ark  or  citadel  of  the  capital,  that 
Otanes,  a Persian  nobleman,  had  his  suspicions 
aroused.  Aware  that  there  was  a magian  who  re- 
sembled Smerdis,  it  occurred  to  Otanes  that  perhaps 
Smerdis  had  been  made  away  with  by  a conspiracy 
of  the  magi,  who  had  thus  got  the  power  into  their 
own  hands.  If  this  were  so  then  the  false  Smerdis 
could  be  detected,  because  he  had  been  deprived  of 
his  ears.  Phaedyma,  a daughter  of  Otanes,  had  been 
one  of  the  wives  of  Cambyses.  When  the  false 
Smerdis  usurped  the  throne,  he  also,  according  to 
custom,  married  the  wives  of  the  late  king.  At 
the  request  of  her  father,  Phaedyma  felt  of  the  head 
of  the  usurper  when  he  was  asleep.  She  thus  ob- 
tained convincing  proof  of  the  true  character  of  him 
who  had  so  boldly  aspired  to  sit  on  the  throne  of 
Cyrus  and  Djemsheed. 

After  this  revelation  a conspiracy  of  seven  nobles 
connected  with  leading  families  of  Persia  was  formed. 


102 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


who  speedily  murdered  the  false  Smerdis.  Persia 
was  again  without  a ruler.  The  crisis  was  desperate. 
Here  was  a vast  empire  composed  of  many  opposing 
elements  and  ready  to  fall  to  pieces  on  the  first 
opportunity  ; while  those  magnates  of  the  empire 
who  were  best  fitted  to  be  selected  to  succeed  to  the 
crown  were  naturally  ambitious  to  grasp  the  oppor- 
tunity themselves,  and  so  jealous  of  their  rivals  that 
a civil  war,  attended  with  the  most  disastrous  resultsj 
seemed  exceedingly  probable.  The  difficulty  was 
avoided  by  a device  as  ingenious  as  it  was  creditable. 
The  seven  conspirators  agreed  to  select  one  from 
their  own  number  to  be  possessor  of  Persia.  Various 
accounts  are  given  of  the  way  in  which  the  election 
was  made.  Some  records  state  that  they  decided 
to  meet  at  sunrise,  and  he  whose  horse  should  neigh 
first  should  be  adjudged  the  winner.  Owing  to  the 
cunning  of  the  groom  of  Darius,  his  horse  first  gave 
the  auspicious  signal,  and  thus  raised  him  in  a mo- 
ment from  a mere  subject  to  absolute  ruler  of  one  of 
the  largest  of  the  world’s  empires.  But  as  Darius 
was  distantly  connected  with  the  Achemenian  line, 
the  only  one  of  the  seven  in  whose  veins  coursed  the 
blood  royal,  it  is  more  likely  that  the  other  six  pre- 
ferred to  settle  the  succession  on  him  rather  than 
allow  such  a prize  to  one  of  merely  equal  rank  with 
themselves. 

Whatever  the  cause  which  led  to  the  selection  of 
Darius,*  the  result  of  this  event  proved  of  great  ad- 

* In  the  original  Persian  this  name  is  spelled  Darayavalm.  Most 
of  the  ancient  Persian  names  have  come  down  to  us  through  Greek 
and  Latin  sources,  and  are  often  very  unlike  the  original. 


FJ?OM  CYRUS  TO  DARIUS  /. 


103 


vantage  to  Persia.  The  young  king,  for  he  was  at 
this  time  only  about  thirty  years  of  age,  showed 
himself  at  once  to  be  a born  ruler  of  men,  a great 
soldier,  and  an  administrator  of  vast  capacity.  He 
was  also  a man  whose  ambition  seems  to  have  been 
tempered  with  patriotism,  and,  unlike  many  Oriental 
monarchs,  he  did  not  allow  his  unlimited  power  to 
degenerate  into  reckless  and  ruthless  cruelty. 

Darius  found  the  great  empire  which  had  come 
into  his  hands  torn  by  dissensions,  or  falling  apart  for 
lack  of  a strong  arm  to  hold  its  various  inharmonious 
elements  together.  He  set  to  work  with  amazing 
vigor  and  ability  to  restore  peace  and  order,  and  left 
behind  him  a record  which  stamps  him  as  one  of  the 
greatest  sovereigns  in  history,  if  not  the  most  re- 
markable ruler  who  has  sat  on  the  throne  of  Persia. 

For  a knowledge  of  many  of  the  exploits  and  suc- 
cesses of  Darius  we  are  indebted  to  an  inscription 
which  he  caused  to  be  engraved  on  a tablet,  or  smooth 
surface,  on  the  famous  rock  of  Behistoon.  From  this 
inscription  we  learn  that  Darius  had  to  encounter 
and  suppress  revolts  in  Sardis,  Susiana,  and  Babylo- 
nia, Arachosia  and  Media,  Parthia  and  Hyrcania, 
and  even  in  Persia,  the  original  seat  of  the  empire. 
But  one  after  another  they  were  subdued  by  the 
herculean  grasp  and  genius  of  Darius,  who  did  not 
hesitate  at  the  same  time  to  order  the  execution  of 
Intaphernes  and  all  his  family.  Intaphernes  was 
one  of  the  six  confederates  who  had  elevated  Darius 
to  the  throne ; for  this  reason  he  seems  to  have 
thought  he  could  treat  him  with  less  respect.  But 
Darius,  who  well  knew  that  an  Oriental  king  can  only 


104 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


hold  power  by  exacting  every  iota  of  respect  and 
subservience  that  is  due  to  him,  soon  showed  the 
great  Persian  nobleman  the  fatal  error  he  had  made, 
by  condemning  him  and  his  kinsfolk  to  instant  death. 
The  custom  which  has  so  widely  prevailed  in  the  East, 
of  making  the  innocent  members  of  the  family  of  a 
criminal  suffer  punishment  with  him,  may  have  been 
based  on  good  reasons  suggested  by  a pitiless  ex- 
pediency. One  reason  may  have  been  that  by  exter- 
minating an  entire  family  no  survivor  was  left  to 
avenge  the  fate  of  the  chief  offender.  A more  solid 
reason  probably  lay  in  the  fact  that,  as  Oriental  fam- 
ilies are  organized,  the  head  of  it  rarely  took  any 
important  steps  or  entered  into  a conspiracy  without 
consulting  with  most  of  the  members  of  his  family, 
who  perhaps  not  only  approved,  but  also  instigated 
him  to  pursue  such  a perilous  path,  and  were  there- 
fore practically  participants  in  the  offence. 

After  reducing  the  entire  empire  once  more  to 
subjection,  Darius  devoted  himself  like  a patriotic 
ruler  to  the  improvement  of  the  condition  of  his 
people.  He  organized  the  numerous  provinces  of 
Persia  under  governors  called  khshathrapavan, 
which  the  Greeks  shortened  to  satrap.  These  sa- 
traps lived  with  great  pomp  and  wielded  much 
power.  They  were  permitted  to  command  the 
armed  contingents  of  their  respective  provinces,  but 
the  fortresses  were  invariably  held  by  troops  of  the 
king.  Reports  were  regularly  rendered  to  the  sov- 
ereign by  officers  specially  commissioned  by  him, 
and  thus  while  apparently  independent  rulers,  the 
satraps  were  held  in  check.  The  system  was  the 


FROM  CYRUS  TO  DARIUS  I. 


105 


most  complete  that  had  yet  been  seen  in  Asia. 
Darius  also  introduced  a more  careful  method  of 
taxation  than  what  had  previously  existed  in  Persia. 
Each  province  was  obliged  to  render  a fixed  portion 
of  its  revenue  to  the  crown.  For  most  of  these  facts 
we  are  indebted  to  the  celebrated  rock  chronicle  of 
Behistoon. 

After  reorganizing  the  great  empire  of  Persia,  the 
soaring  genius  of  Darius  was  not  satisfied  to  remain 
idle.  His  energies  were  such  that  the  stated  busi- 
ness of  his  position  was  insufficient  to  occupy  his 
mind  and  he  entered  upon  a series  of  foreign  expedi- 
tions and  conquests.  He  extended  the  boundaries 
of  his  empire  eastward  as  far  as  the  Indus.  After 
this  he  undertook  to  subdue  the  vast  wastes  now 
called  Russia  in  Europe,  which  went  by  the  name  of 
Scythia  with  classic  writers.  A bridge  of  boats  was 
built  across  the  Thracian  Bosphorus.  Darius  con- 
ducted the  expedition  in  person.  The  Scythians, 
wild  hordes  mounted  on  horses  as  wild  as  them- 
selves, fled  before  the  hosts  of  Persia.  But  if  Darius 
had  been  less  ignorant  of  the  inclemency  of  the 
climate  and  the  worthlessness  of  those  steppes  that 
seemed  to  extend  without  end  towards  the  North 
Star,  he  would  not  have  undertaken  such  a barren 
conquest.  He  was  forced  to  return,  rather  in- 
gloriously  it  must  be  confessed  ; but  it  was  nature 
and  not  man  that  brought  about  this  result  ; it  was 
the  wild  climate,  that,  in  later  ages  wrecked  the 
fortunes  of  Charles  IX.  and  Napoleon,  which  drove 
the  great  king  of  Persia  back  to  the  shores  of  the 
Euxine.  More  fortunate  than  they,  however,  he 


io6 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


was  able  to  return  unmolested  to  Thrace,  which  he 
not  only  subdued,  but  reduced  all  the  Greek  colonies 
on  the  northern  shores  of  the  ^Egean,  and  obliged 
the  king  of  Macedonia  to  yield  allegiance  to  him. 
Thus,  while  baffled  in  Scythia,  Darius  was  yet  able  at 
the  close  of  this  expedition  to  boast  sovereignty  from 
the  Nile  to  the  Oxus,  and  from  Macedonia  to  India. 

A glance  at  the  map  will  indi- 
cate the  vastness  of  the  terri- 
tory commanded  by  the  skilled 
brain  of  Darius  of  Persia. 

If  Darius  had  been  content 
to  rest  on  his  laurels  after  this, 
he  might  well  be  considered 
one  of  the  few  men  who  have 
been  specially  favored  by  des- 
tiny. But  few  are  they  who 
know  when  they  have  reached 
the  limit  of  success — nor  was  he 
an  exception.  Still,  in  the  ex- 
pedition which  he  now  launched 
against  Greece,  it  must  be  said 
in  his  favor  that  up  to  this 
time  he  had  been  able  to 
cope  successfully  with  the 
Greeks.  Even  on  the  sea,  where  Asiatics  in  all 
ages  have  been  inferior  to  mariners  of  European 
races,  Darius  had  proved  victorious.  The  great 
naval  battle  of  Lade,  to  which  the  Greeks  led  three 
hundred  and  fifty-three  galleys,  was  decided  so  de- 
cisively in  his  favor,  that  he  was  able  to  place  at  his 
feet  all  the  revolted  Greek  states  of  the  v/estern  coast 


FROM  CYRUS  TO  DARIUS  /. 


107 


and  isles  of  Asia  Minor.  The  city  of  Miletus  was 
captured  after  a long  siege,  and  the  inhabitants  were 
sold  into  slavery. 

The  evil  genius  of  Darius  was  the  great  and  ambi- 
tious noble  Mardonius,  a man  of  brilliant  abilities, 
who  urged  the  king  to  continue  his  war  against  the 
Greeks,  by  sending  an  army  of  invasion  across  the 
^gean,  to  attack  the  plucky  little  states  that  held 
the  purple  crags  of  Greece  on  their  own  soil — states 
that  had  grown  strong  by  frequent  wars  among 
themselves.  It  is  impossible  for  one  to  consider  the 
character  of  the  Greeks  at  that  time  without  enthusi- 
asm. No  one  who  has  in  him  a spark  of  poetry,  of 
sentiment,  of  romance,  or  who  is  capable  of  admiring 
freedom  and  heroism,  can  avoid  a thrill  of  pleasure 
as  he  pores  over  the  history  of  Greece  at  the  period 
when  she  crossed  arms  with  the  glittering  hosts  of 
Central  Asia.  Nor  were  the  armies  of  Persia,  in  the 
time  of  Darius,  unworthy  of  the  Titanic  conflict 
which  was  now  about  to  begin.  If  the  Persian  generals 
depended  upon  numbers  to  win,  more  than  upon 
military  discipline  and  intricate  knowledge  of  the 
art  of  war,  yet  no  braver  men  than  they  existed,  and 
the  valiant  hosts  they  led  deserved  to  conquer,  if 
victory  be  the  invariable  reward  of  courage.  That 
the  Persians  were  unable  to  maintain  themselves  in 
Greece  was  due  to  the  fact  that  their  smaller  num- 
bers had  made  it  easy  for  the  Greeks  to  reach  a 
high  order  of  military  training,  together  with  the 
fact  that  the  invaders  met  them  on  their  native 
soil,  defending  it  with  the  desperation  of  lions 
driven  to  bay.  It  must  be  remembered,  also,  that 


io8 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


in  the  accounts  of  these  wars  between  Persia  and 
and  Greece  we  are  obliged  to  depend  almost 
entirely  upon  the  statements  of  the  Greek  historians, 
who  quite  likely  exaggerated,  perhaps  unconsciously, 
the  merit  of  their  own  side,  and  the  numbers  to 
which  they  were  opposed. 

According  to  Herodotus,  and  other  Greek  writers, 
the  expedition  which  Darius  sent  against  Greece,  in 
the  year  490  B.C.,  was  commanded  by  Datis  and 
Artaphernes,  and  numbered  100,000  men.  Doubtless 
the  army  which  was  actually  landed  at  Marathon 
was  considerably  less,  for  thousands  must  be  sub- 
tracted as  mariners  and  rowers  of  the  fleet,  besides 
the  servants  of  the  officers.  On  the  whole,  it  seems 
to  the  writer  very  improbable  that  the  army  which 
the  Greeks  fought  at  Marathon  was  over  50,000 
men,  and  probably  less  than  that ; for  the  number 
of  Persians  who  fell  in  the  battle  was  only  about 
6,000  men,  which  was  a very  small  proportion  for  a 
defeated  army  of  100,000  to  lose  in  the  bloody  con- 
flicts of  those  times. 

The  Greek  army  numbered  at  least  10,000,  mas- 
sively clad  in  brass  and  steel,  and  commanded  by  a 
hero  named  Miltiades.  It  was  a weakness  of  the 
Athenian  military  organization  that  their  armies 
were  often  under  the  lead  of  several  generals,  who 
took  command  on  alternate  days.  It  was  fortunate 
for  Greece  that  on  this  decisive  day  Miltiades  was  in 
command.  His  little  army  was  deployed  in  one 
long  line  with  the  cliffs  behind  them,  and  the  Per- 
sian fleet  drawn  up  on  the  beach  in  front  of  them. 
Before  the  Persians  had  fairly  deployed  their  pla- 


FJ?OM  CYRUS  TO  DARIUS  /. 


109 


toons  on  the  sea-shore,  Miltiades  gave  the  order  to 
charge.  Singing  the  paean  of  victory,  the  Greeks 
rushed  across  the  narrow  interval  between  the  two 
armies.  Brave  as  they  were,  the  Persians  were  un- 
able to  withstand  the  serried  spears  that  bore  them 
to  the  ground.  They  were  thrown  back  on  the  fleet, 
and  all  was  now  confusion  and  dismay.  With  loud 
appeals,  the  generals  vainly  sought  to  rally  the  flying 
masses  of  fugitive  Persians,  while  the  mariners  strove 


PERSIAN  ARCHITECTURE. — FROM  THE  TOMB  OF  DARIUS  I. 

to  force  the  galleys  into  the  water  before  the  Greeks 
could  burn  them  with  the  torches  they  hurled 
through  the  air  on  the  decks.  Many  of  the  Greeks 
were  slain,  and  a brother  of  ^Tschylus,  the  poet,  lost 
a hand  as  he  grasped  the  gunwale  of  one  of  the  ships. 
In  the  end,  the  Persians  were  able  to  withdraw  with 
most  of  the  fleet  and  the  army. 

A wounded  messenger  started  from  Marathon  to 
carry  the  news  to  Athens,  where  wives  and  children 
were  anxiously  awaiting  tidings  of  the  battle,  on 
which  hung  the  fate  of  their  homes.  He  ran  the 


I 10 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


entire  distance  without  stopping,  until  in  the  market- 
place of  Athens,  he  cried  to  the  waiting  throng: 
‘‘The  day  is  ours!  ” and  fell  dead. 

As  we  look  back  over  the  ages  that  have  come 
and  gone  since  that  glorious  event,  we  are  better 
able  to  judge  of  its  importance  in  shaping  the 
world’s  progress  than  were  they  who  were  actors  in 
the  great  drama  of  Marathon.  For  Darius  was  a 
man  of  far  superior  force  than  Xerxes,  and  if  he  had 
succeeded  in  mastering  Greece  at  a time  when  Persia 
was  at  the  zenith  of  her  glory,  his  genius  might  have 
entirely  trans^formed  the  destiny  of  Greece  at  a criti- 
cal period  of  her  intellectual  development,  ^schy- 
lus,  who  participated  in  the  battle,  and  composed  a 
magnificent  drama  founded  on  the  conflict  of  Mara- 
thon, pays  a very  high  tribute  of  admiration  to  the 
genius  of  Darius,  notwithstanding  that  the  Persian 
monarch  had  threatened  the  liberty  of  Greece. 

The  remaining  years  of  Darius  the  First  seem 
to  have  been  devoted  to  the  arts  of  peace.  He  sur- 
vived the  battle  of  Marathon  about  eleven  years, 
and  in  that  time  must  have  done  much  to  promote 
the  prosperity  of  his  vast  dominions.  If  Darius  did 
not  found  the  magnificent  palace  at  Persepolis, 
whose  ruins  are  to  this  day  one  of  the  marvels  of 
the  ages,  it  is  highly  probable  that  he  did  much  to 
enlarge  and  beautify  its  noble  terraces  and  colon- 
nades. The  clemency  of  his  disposition  and  the 
ability  he  displayed  in  the  choice  of  the  high  func- 
tionaries Avho  ruled  under  him,  must  have  done 
much  to  add  to  the  repose  which  Persia  enjoyed 
during  the  closing  years  of  the  great  king.  He  died 


F/^OM  CYRUS  TO  DARIUS  /. 


II 


in  479  B.C.,  in  the  fortieth  year  of  his  reign,  and 
was  buried  in  the  elaborate  rock  tomb  which  he  had 
caused  to  be  excavated  in  the  steep  hillsides  that 
overlooked  the  superb  palaces  where  he  had  gath- 
ered the  spoils  of  a long  career  of  conquest  and 
glory. 


IX. 

XERXES. 

Darius  I.  left  a son  named  Xerxes,  or,  as  the  Per- 
sians pronounced  the  word,  Khshayarsha.  He  was  a 
son  of  Atossa,  daughter  of  Cyrus  the  Great,  and  as 
such  was  doubly  heir  to  the  throne.  But  he  was  a de- 
generate scion  of  a noble  line.  Perhaps  the  great 
contrast  between  him  and  his  father  might  have  been 
less  apparent,  in  history  at  least,  if  he  had  been  con- 
tent to  follow  a career  suited  to  his  moderate  ability 
and  enervated  character.  The  vast  enterprise  that 
has  rendered  his  name  famous  does  not,  however, 
altogether  prove,  as  some  undertake  to  show,  that  he 
was  utterly  unworthy  to  succeed  to  the  throne,  for 
foreign  conquest  had  become  the  policy  of  Persia, 
and  it  was  only  natural  that  he  should  undertake  to 
follow  in  the  steps  of  his  distinguished  predecessors. 
The  failure  of  Darius,  a far  greater  man  than  Xerxes, 
in  the  invasion  of  Greece,  showed  that  the  ill-success 
of  Xerxes  in  his  expedition  against  Greece  was  due 
as  much  to  the  desperate  character  of  such  a tre- 
mendous undertaking,  as  to  his  own  lack  of  ability 
to  conduct  a great  foreign  war  at  a long  distance 
from  his  capital.  It  must  also  be  admitted  that 
Xerxes  exhibited  some  talent  in  selecting  the  officers 


II2 


XERXES. 


suited  to  command  his  forces.  It  seems  proper  to 
say  this  much  in  his  favor,  because  history  appears 
to  have  been  a little  inclined  to  be  too  severe  in  its 
judgment  of  the  character  of  this  unfortunate  mon- 
arch. Some  of  the  absurdities  with  which  he  is 
charged  are  also  palliated  by  the  superstitions  and 
beliefs  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  Certainly  the 
Greek  historians  who  believed  that  nymphs  dwelt  in 
the  rivers  and  dryads  in  the  woods,  and  that  Jupiter 
and  Venus  and  Neptune  were  actual  beings,  could 
not  afford  to  laugh  at  a king  who,  according  to  their 
statements,  whipped  the  sea  when  it  proved  unruly. 

Xerxes  appears  to  have  been  a man  of  visionary 
and  ambitious  temperament  rather  than  one  of  a 
character  depraved  beyond  that  of  most  Oriental 
monarchs.  His  brain  was  fired  by  the  thought  of 
the  vast  enterprises  he  meditated.  For  years  before 
the  death  of  Darius,  that  monarch  had  been  making 
steady  preparations  for  a renewal  of  the  invasion 
of  Greece.  The  vast  armaments  that  were  gathered, 
and  the  perpetual  discussion  of  an  event  upon  which 
such  calculations  and  hopes  were  based,  naturally 
had  their  effect  on  the  mind  of  such  a character  as 
Xerxes.  This  is  shown  by  the  dreams  that  haunted 
him  and  aroused  his  apprehensions  regarding  the 
issue  of  the  coming  expedition.  In  personal  bearing 
Xerxes  is  said  by  Herodotus  to  have  been  in  the 
highest  degree  imperial ; in  stature  he  exceeded  all 
his  subjects  ; his  features  were  handsome,  his  eye 
keen  and  penetrating,  but  his  disposition  was  inclined 
to  cruelty.  Xerxes  is  generally  considered  to  have 
been  the  Ahasuerus,  whose  magnificence  and  pecul- 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


1 14 

iarly  Oriental  caprice  are  so  strikingly  suggested  in 
the  Book  of  Esther. 

Such  was  the  monarch  who  succeeded  Darius  Hys- 
taspes  on  the  throne  of  Persia.  At  the  very  outset 
of  his  reign  he  found  himself  confronted  by  a formid- 
able revolt : Egypt  had  taken  up  arms  and  sought 
to  throw  off  the  Persian  yoke.  Xerxes  himself  led 
an  army  into  Egypt  and,  although  the  Egyptians 
were  good  fighters,  he  succeeded  in  crushing  the  re- 
bellion. This  event  appears  to  indicate  that  he  was 
not  as  destitute  of  ability  as  some  historians  have 
undertaken  to  prove. 

On  his  return  from  Egypt,  Xerxes  put  his  vast 
army  into  motion  upon  the  greatest  military  enter- 
prise recorded  in  history.  Herodotus  states  that 
the  land  and  sea  forces  of  this  prodigious  host,  which 
had  been  gathered  from  every  province  of  Persia’s 
heterogeneous  empire,  numbered  2,641,000  men, 
while  the  sailors,  muleteers,  and  servants  amounted 
fully  to  the  same  number,  making  a total  of  over 
five  millions  of  men.  Herodotus  says  that  the 
number  was  ascertained  by  building  an  enclosure  at 
Doriscus  which  could  contain  ten  thousand  men. 
Through  this  the  host  defiled  ; every  time  it  was 
filled  ten  thousand  men  were  thus  told  off.  We  think 
that  the  Greek  chronicler  was  probably  misinformed 
on  this  point.  But  there  is  no  question  that  the 
army  of  Xerxes  was  the  largest  that  has  ever  been 
collected. 

Provisions  and  supplies  for  no  less  than  three 
years  had  been  gathered  at  depots  along  the  line  of 
march  ; but  the  difficulty  of  feeding  such  an  army 


XERXES. 


II5 

must  have  been  a prodigious  task.  That  a host  like 
that  was  transported  so  great  a distance  without  ap- 
parently suffering  from  lack  of  supplies  shows  what 
a degree  of  executive  ability  had  been  infused  into 
the  complicated  machinery  of  the  government  of 
such  a vast  empire,  composed  as  it  was  of  various 
races  and  kindreds  and  tongues. 

Another  important  work  had  been  accomplished 
previous  to  the  starting  of  the  expedition.  In  those 
times  navigation  was  slow  and  cautious.  Instead  of 
avoiding  the  land,  sailors  then  hugged  the  shore, 
being  without  the  compass,  and  depended  for  motive 
power  as  much  on  oars  as  sails.  Galleys  and  even 
entire  fleets,  instead  of  coming  to  an  anchor,  gener- 
ally lay  on  the  beach  when  in  port.  As  the  tides  of 
the  Mediterranean  rise  only  a few  inches,  this 
process  must  have  entailed  great  labor  when  the 
ships  had  to  be  launched  to  put  to  sea.  In  view  of 
this  system  of  navigation  the  difficulty  of  taking  a 
fleet  of  1200  galleys  across  the  ^gean  Sea  was  very 
great,  even  although  land  was  always  in  sight.  But 
the  ports  of  the  Greek  isles  were  generally  not  suffi- 
ciently large  to  hold  such  a fleet.  The  ships  of 
Xerxes  appear  to  have  sailed  from  the  Hellespont 
for  Greece,  skirting  the  northern  shores  of  the 
yEgean,  which  then  formed  part  of  the  Persian  em- 
pire. But  midway  in  the  course,  a small  peninsula, 
crowned  by  a lofty,  bold  headland,  over  6,000  feet 
high,  called  Mt.  Athos,  impeded  the  progress  of  the 
fleet,  unless  the  Persian  admirals  were  willing  to  row 
around  this  lowering  cape.  It  was  deemed  more 
prudent,  however,  to  dig  a canal  across  the  peninsula. 


Il6  the  story  of  PERSIA. 

This  canal  was  one  mile  and  a half  in  length.  No 
fact  could  more  clearly  indicate  the  cautious  timidity 
of  the  mariners  of  a period  which  in  other  respects 
had  made  such  strides  in  civilization. 

The  events  of  the  great  Perso-Hellenic  war  have 
been  related  in  detail  in  another  volume  of  this 
series,  but  we  may  be  permitted  to  give  a sketch 
of  the  leading  movements  which  resulted  in  arrest- 
ing the  further  progress  westward  of  the  empire  of 
Iran.  The  vast  army  of  Xerxes  kept  company  with 
his  fleet,  along  the  shore,  traversing,  Thrace,  Mace- 
donia, and  Thessaly  without  meeting  opposition. 
If  Greece  had  been  a level  country,  there  is  good 
reason  to  believe  that  the  prodigious  multitude  of 
Asiatics  would  have  completely  overrun  it  like  a 
cloud  of  locusts  descending  on  a field  and  devouring 
every  thing,  for  the  Greeks,  with  all  their  courage, 
were  too  few  in  number  to  be  able  to  offer  successful 
resistance  at  once  to  millions  of  armed  men. 

But  Greece  is  one  of  the  most  rugged  and  moun- 
tainous countries  in  the  world,  and  its  shores  are 
everywhere  indented  with  deep  bays  and  retired 
ports.  A small  army  of  patriots,  fierce,  with  a pas- 
sion for  defending  their  homes,  and  knowing  every 
inch  of  their  territory,  was  equal  here  to  an  invading 
force  far  exceeding  it  in  numbers.  At  Thermopylae 
the  Greeks  decided  to  make  their  first  stand.  It  was 
a narrow  pass  on  the  edge  of  a mountain,  the  cliffs  on 
one  side  and  the  sea  on  the  other.  Leonidas  and 
ten  thousand  Spartans  were  stationed  there  to  hold 
the  pass.  Thousands  of  Persians  fell  in  attempting 
to  force  a passage.  It  was  essential  to  the  Persian 


XERXES. 


117 


plans  to  move  the  army  through  Thermopylae.  But 
it  is  not  likely  they  would  have  succeeded  in  the  at- 
tempt, if  they  had  not  found  a shepherd  who  was 
willing  to  sell  his  country  for  gold.  Treachery  is 
quite  too  common  a trait  of  the  Greek  character,  as 
it  is  of  the  Asiatic.  This  shepherd  knew  of  a goat 
path  over  the  mountain  ridge  by  which  Xerxes  could 
send  a body  of  men,  single  file,  to  attack  the  Greeks 
in  the  rear.  When  Leonidas  saw  that  the  Persians 
had  turned  the  pass  he  dismissed  his  army,  unwilling 
that  Greece  should  lose  so  many  valiant  defenders. 
He  reserved  three  hundred  picked  men,  heroes  who 
were  willing  to  sell  their  lives  for  the  immortal  glory 
they  were  to  win  at  Thermopylae.  Calmly  the  three 
hundred  bathed  themselves  and  combed  their  long 
hair  and  readjusted  their  helmets  and  coats  of  mail. 
On  the  morrow  they  all  fell  before  the  irresistible 
tide  of  the  Persian  host.  On  the  hillock  where  the 
last  of  the  immortal  three  hundred  died,  the  Greeks 
in  later  ages  erected  a lion  of  marble,  overlooking 
the  blue  ^gean  and  the  white  sails  that  bore  the 
fame  of  Greece  to  every  land. 

On  the  same  day  the  Persian  and  the  Greek  fleets 
met  at  Artemisium,  and  fought  two  battles  with  des- 
perate courage  on  both  sides.  In  the  first  the  Greeks 
were  victorious,  but  in  the  second  the  victory  inclined 
to  the  Persians. 

On  the  approach  of  the  army  of  Xerxes  to  Athens 
the  greatest  consternation  prevailed.  The  city  of 
Athens  was  abandoned,  and  in  obedience  to  the 
oracle,  which  declared  that  the  safety  of  Greece 
lay  in  her  wooden  walls,  the  people  embarked  on 


Il8  THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

the  fleet,  interpreting  the  meaning  of  the  oracle  to 
be  the  wooden  sides  of  their  fleets.  From  the  decks 
of  the  ships  they  saw  the  smoke  of  their  burning 
homes  and  temples  rising  to  the  heavens.  It  was 
a dark  day  for  Greece,  but  no  days  are  hopelessly 
dark  while  the  heart  is  warmed  with  hope  and 
nerved  with  courage. 

The  combined  fleet  of  the  Greeks  was  collected 
in  the  bay  formed  by  Salamis,  ^gina,  and  the  main- 
land. And  hither  it  was  followed  by  the  vast  fleet 
of  Xerxes,  numbering  nearly  one  thousand  ships. 
So  terrible  was  the  crisis  that  the  allies  of  the 
Athenians  lost  heart  and  were  disposed  to  with- 
draw their  contingent,  in  order  to  protect  the  Pelo- 
ponnesus, or  southern  half  of  Greece,  and  leave 
Athens  to  her  fate.  Such  was  the  question  mooted 
the  night  before  the  battle,  when  the  captains  were 
in  council.  It  is  not  strange  that  they  hesitated  to 
hazard  the  fate  of  all  Greece  upon  a single  blow,  for 
doubtless  if  Xerxes  had  won  at  Salamis  the  whole 
country  would  have  been  at  his  feet. 

At  this  critical  hour,  Themistocles,  the  chief  cap- 
tain of  the  Athenians,  stole  away  from  the  council 
and  secretly  despatched  a messenger  to  Xerxes  to 
inform  him  of  the  proposed  flight  of  half  the  Greek 
fleet.  On  learning  of  this,  Xerxes  did  exactly  what 
Themistocles  had  expected.  He  ordered  a portion 
of  his  fleet  to  be  drawn  in  a line  across  the  mouth  of 
the  strait,  thus  effectually  closing  the  passage  by 
which  the  allies  intended  to  withdraw  their  ships. 
On  learning  of  the  manoeuvre  of  the  enemy,  the 
Greeks  saw  that  they  were  in  a trap,  and  that  the 
only  thing  left  for  them  to  do  was  to  fight. 


XERXES’  SEAT  AT  SALAMIS. 


120 


THE  STORY  OF  RE  RSI  A. 


The  battle  was  of  the  most  desperate  character. 
Although  inferior  in  numbers,  the  Greeks  made  up 
for  the  disparity  by  superior  discipline  and  skill. 
On  the  side  of  the  Persians,  was  Artemisia,  Queen  of 
Caria,  who  commanded  her  own  fleet,  and  greatly 
distinguished  herself  by  her  courage  and  superior 
ability  in  manoeuvring.  When  her  galley  was  chased 
by  the  Greeks,  and  on  the  point  of  capture,  this 
heroine,  with  great  presence  of  mind,  ordered  the 
helmsman  to  steer  directly  into  a Persian  ship  and 
run  it  down  with  the  iron  beak  of  her  own  ship. 
When  the  Greek  captains  saw  this,  they  imagined 
that  they  were  pursuing  one  of  their  own  ships  and 
stopped  the  chase.  The  Persians  were  encouraged 
by  the  circumstance  that  they  were  fighting  under 
the  gaze  of  their  king,  who  would  not  hesitate  to 
flay  alive  every  coward,  for  Xerxes  beheld  the  bat- 
tle from  a silver  throne  he  had  caused  to  be  placed 
on  the  rocky  promontory  of  Mount  yEgialus.  But 
neither  the  numbers  nor  the  courage  of  the  Persians 
availed  against  the  desperation  and  military  genius 
of  the  Greeks.  His  vast  navy  was  broken  ; hundreds 
of  galleys  were  sunk  or  captured,  and  the  remainder 
which  escaped,  only  escaped  to  encounter  further 
disasters. 

Well  might  Byron  sing: 

" A king  sat  on  the  rocky  brow 

Which  looks  o’er  sea-born  Salamis  ; 

And  men  by  nations  lay  below, 

And  ships  by  thousands — all  were  his. 

He  counted  them  at  break  of  day, 

And  when  the  sun  set  where  were  they  ! ” 


XERXES.  1 2 1 

The  battle  of  Salamis  occurred  430  years  B.C.,  or 
two  thousand  three  hundred  and  sixteen  years  ago  ; 
and  Persia  still  exists  as  ail  independent  nation,  even 
though  shorn  of  some  of  her  vast  dominions.  Great 
empires  have  risen  and  fallen  since  the  day  of 
Salamis,  and  yet  Persia  lives.  If  she  was  unable  to 
conquer  Greece,  she  had  yet  in  her  people  a vitality 
and  an  intellectual  force  that  could  only  belong  to 
a race  of  a very  high  order.  The  fact  is,  that  the 
Persians  of  that  day,  as  in  our  times,  were  compar- 
atively few  in  number ; but  they  had  great  organiz- 
ing and  executive  ability,  and  were  able  to  make 
others  contribute  to  the  success  of  their  arms.  The 
Persians  furnished  the  brains  which  built  up  and 
have  maintained  their  empire  to  the  present  century. 
A power  of  inferior  quality  would  have  fallen  to 
pieces  after  the  failure  of  an  expedition  which  de- 
manded such  stupendous  efforts. 

Xerxes  showed  less  courage  in  defeat  than  one 
would  expect  from  a man  of  such  ambition.  He 
turned  his  face  towards  Persia,  and  finding  the 
bridge  of  boats  he  had  built  over  the  Hellespont 
shattered  by  the  waves,  he  crossed  in  a ship.  But 
before  leaving  Greece  so  ingloriously,  he  granted 
the  prayer  of  Mardonius,  who  petitioned  that  he 
might  be  permitted  to  continue  the  war  on  Greek 
soil.  The  remainder  of  the  army  accompanied 
Xerxes  to  Persia.  Mardonius  was  a hero,  and  by 
his  courage  deserved  a better  fate  than  destiny 
awarded  him.  He  knew  not  what  we  now  see,  that 
he  was  fighting  in  a hopeless  cause,  as  it  had  been 
ordained  that  Europe  should  never  belong  to  the 
races  of  Asia. 


122 


THE  STORY  OE  TER  S/A. 


After  considerable  manoeuvring,  the  opposing 
forces  met  on  the  plains  of  Plataea.  Greece  has 
never  before  nor  since,  on  any  one  field,  mustered 
such  an  army  as  she  drew  up  at  Plataea.  It  num- 
bered 110,000  men.  The  place  of  honor,  on  the  left, 
was  awarded  to  the  Athenians.  The  Persian  army 
amounted  to  300,000,  according  to  the  statements 
of  Herodotus.  For  several  days  the  two  armies 
faced  each  other,  anxiously  consulting  the  auguries, 
which  from  day  to  day  proved  unpropitious. 

The  inevitable  conflict  was  finally  precipitated,  it 
is  said,  by  Mardonius,  in  spite  of  the  auguries  of  the 
soothsayers.  It  is  more  likely  that  the  demand  for 
water  and  supplies  to  sustain  his  large  army  forced 
him  either  to  fight  or  retreat ; in  the  former  there 
was  hope,  but  in  the  latter,  ruin  for  the  Persian  host, 
and  therefore  Mardonius  chose  the  former  course. 

Once  more  fortune  came  to  the  aid  of  Greece. 
The  battle  was  long  and  obstinate.  The  Persians 
fought  with  courage  equal  to  that  of  the  foe.  But 
they  were  out-generalled.  It  should  be  recorded, 
however,  that  the  plans  of  Mardonius  were  betrayed 
by  his  ally,  the  king  of  the  Macedonians,  the  night 
before  the  battle,  which  gave  the  Greeks  a very  great 
advantage.  Mardonius  was  slain,  and  the  greater  part 
of  his  vast  army  fell  on  the  field.  We  cannot,  how- 
ever, accept  the  statement  of  the  Greek  historians 
that  only  a few  hundred  of  the  Greeks  were  killed  in 
this  tremendous  conflict.  To  believe  this  is  to  as- 
sume that  the  Persians  were  cowards  and  offered  no 
resistance,  whereas  those  historians  themselves  con- 
cede to  them  at  least  the  merit  of  heroic  valor. 


24 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


On  the  same  day  the  Persians  were  defeated  at 
Mycale,  on  the  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  by  a Greek 
fleet,  and  soon  after,  by  the  loss  of  Abydos,  Persia 
was  stripped  of  all  the  possessions  which  had  been 
won  in  Europe  by  Darius.  Well  might  the  Greek 
dramatist,  in  the  stirring  strophes  of  his  great  trage- 
dy,'^ which  was  inspired  by  these  events,  make  Atossa 
and  her  attendants  wail  in  these  wild  words  of  woe 
over  the  vast  calamities  which  befell  the  best  blood 
of  Persia  when  Xerxes  invaded  Greece  : 

“ Wo  to  the  towns  through  Asia’s  peopled  realms  ! 

Wo  to  the  land  of  Persia,  once  the  post 
Of  boundless  wealth,  how  is  thy  glorious  state 
■<  Vanished  at  once,  and  all  thy  spreading  honors 
Fall’n,  lost  ! Ah  me  ! unhappy  is  his  task 
That  bears  unhappy  tidings  ; but  constraint 
Compels  me  to  relate  this  tale  of  wo. 

Persians,  the  whole  barbaric  host  is  fall’n. 

“ O horror,  horror  ! What  a baleful  train 
Of  recent  ills  ! Ah,  Persians,  as  he  speaks 
Of  ruin,  let  your  tears  stream  to  the  earth. 

“ It  is  even  so,  all  ruin  ; and  myself 
Beheld  the  ruin  which  my  tongue  would  utter. 

“ Wo,  wo  is  me  ! Then  has  the  iron  storm. 

That  darkened  from  the  realms  of  Asia,  poured 
In  vain  its  arrowy  shower  on  sacred  Greece. 

‘ ‘ In  heaps  the  unhappy  dead  lie  on  the  strand 
Of  Salamis,  and  all  the  neighboring  shores. 

“ Unhappy  friends,  sunk,  perished  in  the  sea  ; 

Their  bodies’,  mid  the  wreck  of  shattered  ships. 

Mangled  and  rotting  on  th’  encumbered  waves  ! 

* Hi  * * * * * 

“ Raise  the  funereal  cry,  with  dismal  notes 
Wailing  the  wretched  Persians.  Oh,  how  ill 
They  planned  their  measures,  all  their  army  perished  ! 


“ The  Persians,”  by  yUschylus. 


XERXES. 


125 


“ O Salamis,  how  hateful  is  thy  name  ! 

And  groans  burst  from  me  when  I think  of  Athens. 

“ How  dreadful  to  her  foes  ! Call  to  remembrance 
How  many  Persian  dames,  wedded  in  vain, 

Hath  Athens  of  their  noble  husbands  widowed  ? 

“ Griefs  like  these  exceed 
The  power  of  speech  or  question  ; yet  even  such. 
Inflicted  by  the  gods,  must  mortal  man, 

Constrained  by  hard  necessity,  endure.” 


Xerxes  does  not  appear  to  have  entered  into  any 
other  important  enterprises  after  his  return  to  Persia, 
where  he  reigned  for  some  time  after  that  event, 
although  hostilities  between  Persia  and  Greece  did 
not  actually  cease  for  some  time.  It  may  be  inferred 
that  he  aroused  indignation  and  unpopularity  in  cer- 
tain quarters,  for  he  was  assassinated  in  the  twentieth 
year  of  his  reign  by  Artabanus,  the  captain  of  the 
royal  body-guard. 


X. 

PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  INVASION  OF  ALEXANDER. 

Xerxes  left  two  sons,  Darius  and  Artaxerxes. 
The  former,  as  the  eldest,  was  the  natural  heir;  but 
Artaxerxes  formed  a conspiracy  with  the  murderer 
of  his  father,  Artabanus,  and  in  turn  caused  Darius 
to  be  slain,  and  usurped  the  throne.  It  was  a natural 
sequel  to  this  series  of  atrocities,  that  when  Arta- 
xerxes felt  himself  firmly  established  in  power  he 
should  order  Artabanus,  the  author  of  these  crimes, 
to  suffer  the  death  he  had  so  richly  merited. 

Artaxerxes  was  surnamed  Longimanus,  or  the 
Long-handed,  for  what  reason  does  not  distinctly 
appear.  At  the  very  outset  of  his  reign  he  had  to 
encounter  a formidable  uprising  in  Egypt,  which 
during  so  many  years  had  been  subjected  to  the  Per- 
sian rule.  The  rebellion  was  led  by  Inarus,  son  of 
Psammeticus.  The  Egyptians  called  the  Athenians 
to  their  aid,  who  sent  them  a fleet  of  two  hundred  sail. 
In  the  end,  however,  the  Persians,  conducted  by 
Megabyzus,  were  successful  in  once  more  reducing 
Egypt  to  subjection,  and  the  Athenians  were  obliged 
to  retire  with  little  glory  and  considerable  loss.  One 
result  of  this  event  was  the  final  settlement  of  a peace 
between  Persia  and  Greece,  Avhich  seems  to  have 


126 


PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  INVASION  OP  ALEXANDER.  12/ 

been  advantageous  to  the  former  country.  For  while 
Persia  agreed  to  allow  her  rival  to  enjoy  unmolested 
sway  and  navigation  in  the  Western  Mediterranean, 
Greece,  on  the  other  hand,  consented  to  allow  Persia 
to  retain  undisputed  possession  of  all  the  territories 
she  had  conquered  on  the  eastern  shores  of  the 
Mediterranean  from  the  Hellespont  to  Egypt,  al- 
though in  many  parts  the  population  was  composed 
chiefly  of  Greeks. 

After  the  Egyptian  revolt  Artaxerxes  was  dis- 
turbed by  the  rebellion  of  Megabyzus  himself,  who 
had  quelled  the  insurrection.  Megabyzus  aspired  to 
nothing  less  than  the  throne  of  Persia.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  maintaining  an  independent  position  in 
Syria  for  several  years,  aided  very  likely  by  the 
Jews;  for  it  seems  probable  that  it  was  at  this  time, 
about  the  year  445  B.C.,  that  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem  occurred,  which  is  bewailed  by  the  proph- 
et Nehemiah.  It  is  a fact  remarkable  in  Oriental 
history,  that  Megabyzus  received  a full  pardon  and 
was  permitted  to  return  to  the  court  of  Artaxerxes, 
where  he  continued  to  reside  unmolested.  Although 
probably  due  in  part  to  the  influence  of  Amestris, 
wife  of  the  king  and  mother-indaw  of  Megabyzus, 
yet  such  clemency  on  the  part  of  an  Eastern  mon- 
arch towards  a subject  who  had  sought  to  dethrone 
him,  was  an  event  so  extraordinary  as  to  require 
especial  comment. 

Artaxerxes  the  Long-handed  died  in  424B.C.,  after 
a reign  of  forty  years.  He  appears  to  have  been  of  a 
mild  if  not  weak  disposition,  humane,  and  unambi- 
tious. Like  his  father,  Xerxes,  he  was  of  tall  and 


128 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


commanding  presence,  and  in  his  love  for  the  chase 
resembled  many  of  his  line. 

Xerxes  IL,  who  succeeded  to  the  throne  was  mur- 
dered within  a month  and  a half  by  his  brother, 
Sogdianus,  who  in  turn  was  defeated  and  slain  by 
Ochus,  another  son  of  Artaxerxes,  who  took  the 
name  of  Darius  II.,  with  the  surname  of  Nothus. 
The  person  who  possessed  the  most  influence  during 
this  reign  was  Parysatis,  the  sister  and  wife  of 
Darius.  If  not  distinctly  authorized  by  the  religious 
laws  of  Zoroaster,  the  practice  of  marriage  between 
brothers  and  sisters  was  not  considered  a crime  in 
Persia  in  those  days,  and  was  often  followed  by  the 
sovereigns  of  that  country.  Parysatis  was  a woman 
of  strong  will,  fierce  passions,  and  unprincipled 
character ; her  hold  over  the  mind  of  Darius  was 
imperious,  and  many  of  the  dark  intrigues  and  acts 
of  blood  which  stain  the  pages  of  Persian  history 
must  be  charged  to  this  beautiful  but  wicked  woman. 
The  power  which  such  women  as  Parysatis  have 
frequently  obtained  in  the  East  is  a sufficient  proof 
that  the  system  of  seclusion  to  which  Oriental 
women  have  been  subjected  in  all  ages  does  not 
appear  to  have  much  effect  in  reducing  the  influence 
of  their  charms. 

The  reign  of  Darius  Nothus  is  distinguished  by  the 
loss  of  Egypt,  which  for  one  hundred  and  fifteen  years 
had  been  one  of  the  most  brilliant  ornaments  of  the 
Persian  crown.  The  Egyptians  were  too  intelligent 
and  active  a people  to  allow  themselves  to  be  per- 
manently absorbed  into  another  government,  while 
as  a people  who  were  profoundly  religious,  they 


PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  INVASION  OP  ALEXANDER.  1 29 

could  never  forget  nor  forgive  the  frequent  affronts 
offered  to  their  gods  by  the  haughty  satraps  set 
over  them  by  the  Persian  monarchs.  Amyrtaeus,  a 
descendent  of  the  royal  line  of  Egypt,  assumed  the 
reigns  of  government  and  succeeded  in  expelling  the 
Persians  from  the  banks  of  the  Nile. 

The  degeneracy  into  which  the  Persian  monarchy 
was  rapidly  falling  during  the  reigns  of  the  success- 
ors of  Darius  became  clearly  apparent  during  the 
reign  of  Darius  Nothus  ; and  also  the  cupidity  of 
the  Greeks,  a trait  which  has  unfortunately  been  too 
prominent  a blemish  of  the  Greek  character  in  all 
ages.  Even  the  Spartans,  whose  strict  discipline  and 
laws  had  made  Spartan  simplicity  proverbial,  now 
showed  that  their  boasted  virtue  was  not  proof  against 
Persian  gold.  Not  only  were  the  Greeks  willing  to 
sell  their  services  as  mercenaries,  but  many  of  their 
chief  men,  such  as  Pausanias  and  Themistocles,  and 
Lysander  and  Alcibiades,  engaged  in  dark  intrigues 
with  the  Persian  satraps,  and  more  especially  that 
craftiest  of  the  crafty,  Tissaphernes,  satrap  of  Sardis. 

The  aim  of  these  intrigues  was  generally  to  give 
advantages  to  each  in  the  attainment  of  power,  the 
Persians  being  able  to  furnish  unlimited  supplies  of 
money,  and  the  Greeks  soldiers,  whose  valor  and  dis- 
cipline were  superior  to  that  of  the  Persian  troops 
which  these  satraps,  when  intending  to  revolt,  had 
to  encounter.  The  Greek  leaders  who  engaged  in 
these  mischievous  plots  also  sought  to  win  for  them- 
selves in  turn  supreme  power  in  Greece  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  liberties  of  their  countrymen.  So  far 
as  the  Greeks  were  concerned,  all  the  leaders  engaged 


130 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


in  these  ambitious  schemes  came  to  a disgraceful 
end  one  after  another,  and  such  also  was  the  case 
with  the  Persian  conspirators  in  due  time  ; but  un- 
fortunately not  until  they  had  done  infinite  evil  to 
their  respective  countries. 

One  of  the  most  important  events  in  the  world’s  his- 
tory, the  invasion  of  Persia  by  Alexander  the  Great, 
resulted  indirectly  from  these  secret  and  unscrupu- 
lous negotiations,  as  will  be  apparent  in  the  sequel. 

Darius  II.  was  succeeded  by  his  oldest  son,  who 
took  the  name  of  Artaxerxes  II.  He  had  a brother 
named  Cyrus  the  younger.  Parysatis  was  the  mother 
of  both.  The  brothers,  although  very  different  in 
character,  were  equally  under  the  influence  of  this 
powerful  woman,  but  Cyrus,  in  ambition  and  will, 
appears  most  to  have  resembled  their  mother.  On 
learning  of  the  approaching  death  of  their  father, 
Cyrus  left  his  satrapy  and  came  to  the  capital 
attended  by  a military  escort  which  included  three 
hundred  Greek  mercenaries.  It  was  his  intention  to 
seize  the  throne.  But  he  arrived  too  late,  for 
Darius  II.  had  already  expired,  and  Artaxerxes  Mem- 
non  was  master  of  the  crown.  Cyrus,  however, 
conscious  of  superior  talents  and  popularity,  still 
meditated  treason,  hoping  by  intrigue  to  dethrone 
his  brother. 

At  this  juncture  his  designs  were  betrayed  by  a 
celebrated  Persian  grandee  named  Tissaphernes, 
whom  he  had  befriended,  and  who  professed  to  be 
zealously  attached  to  his  cause.  But  through  the  in- 
fluence of  Parysatis  Cyrus  was  pardoned  and  sent 
back  to  his  province  in  Asia  Minor.  When  one  con- 


TOMB  OF  ESTHER  AND  MORDECAI,  AT  HAMAD  AN. 


I3I 


132 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


siders  that  in  later  and,  we  might  suppose,  more 
enlightened  ages,  the  sovereigns  of  Persia  often  exe- 
cuted or  blinded  all  their  male  kinsmen  before  they 
had  even  attempted  conspiracies,  lest  they  might 
plot  against  the  king,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the 
monarchs  of  the  Achaemenian  line  were  often  re- 
markably lenient  towards  their  brothers. 

But  Cyrus  the  Younger  was  not  content  to  have 
so  narrowly  escaped  death.  He  was  of  an  ardent 
temperament,  and  from  what  we  can  learn  was  not 
only  a man  of  superior  intelligence,  but  also  pos- 
sessed of  certain  lofty  qualities  not  too  common 
among  Persians  of  rank  at  that  period,  and  certainly 
scarcely  to  be  looked  for  in  a son  of  such  a woman 
as  Parysatis,  a woman  who  had  married  her  own 
brother,  who  had,  among  many  other  crimes,  pois- 
oned her  own  daughter-in-law  Statira  and  induced 
her  son  Artaxerxes  to  marry  his  own  daughter 
Atossa.  That  Cyrus  was  ambitious  to  the  point  of 
rising  against  his  king  and  brother,  is  no  more  than 
could  be  expected  from  any  Oriental  prince  con- 
scious of  possessing  especial  genius  for  government. 

Cyrus  showed  his  intelligence  by  purchasing  the 
services  of  thirteen  thousand  Greek  mercenaries,  who 
were  commanded  by  Clearchus.  He  well  knew 
what  they  were  capable  of  accomplishing  in  the  des- 
perate enterprise  toward  which  he  was  now  turning 
all  the  energy  of  his  restless  soul.  It  is  hardly  likely 
that  he  would  have  ventured  on  the  attempt  without 
the  aid  of  these  well-disciplined  auxiliaries.  Besides 
them  he  took  with  him  over  a hundred  thousand 
Persian  troops. 


PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  INVASION  OP  ALEXANDER.  1 33 

Cyrus  had  marched  as  far  east  as  Cunaxa  (about  fifty 
miles  from  Babylon)  before  he  received  any  certain 
information  that  his  brother  Artaxerxes  intended  to 
offer  resistance.  This  is  a curious  illustration  of  the 
simple  methods  which  characterized  the  movements 
of  armies  in  those  times.  Xenophon,  in  his  account 
of  this  expedition,  in  a few  brief  but  vivid  sentences, 
describes  the  sudden  discovery  of  a vast  army  ap- 
proaching over  the  plains  at  early  morning,  amid 
clouds  of  dust  in  which  might  be  discerned  the  flash 
of  helmets  and  spears. 

The  army  of  the  king  far  overlapped  the  lines  of 
the  prince.  But  a vigorous  attack  of  the  insurgent 
army  on  one  of  the  wings  crushed  it  back  on  the 
centre,  and  would  have  resulted  in  a victory  for 
Cyrus  if  Clearchus  had  moved  his  mercenaries  with 
sufficient  activity  to  support  the  prince,  who  fiercely 
cut  his  way  through  to  the  chariot  which  bore  Arta- 
xerxes. When  the  king  saw  his  brother  approaching, 
he  showed  the  greatest  consternation,  and  Cyrus  had 
actually  wounded  Artaxerxes  when  he  was  borne 
down  by  numbers  coming  to  the  rescue.  Having  in 
his  haste  entered  the  field  only  half-clad  in  armor, 
he  was  speedily  despatched.  Thus  in  a few  moments 
an  enterprise  which  had  been  in  preparation  foryears, 
and  which  might  have  altered  the  destinies  of  Persia, 
came  to  an  untimely  end. 

The  shining  qualities  of  Cyrus  the  Younger  would 
alone  have  perpetuated  the  fame  of  him  who  fell  at 
Cunaxa.  But,  as  if  to  give  emphasis  to  these  events, 
they  are  handed  down  to  us  by  the  pen  of  one  of 
the  greatest  historians  of  ancient  times,  who  was 


134 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


himself  an  important  actor  in  the  scenes  he  describes 
in  such  matchless  style.  We  refer  to  Xenophon,  an 
Athenian  who  was  one  of  the  officers  of  the  Greek 
contingent  which  accompanied  the  expedition  of 
Cyrus. 

After  the  fall  of  Cyrus,  Clearchus  called  off  his 
troops  and  collected  them  upon  a slight  eminence,  to 
await  an  attack  from  the  vast  host  of  the  king.  But 
Tissaphernes,  the  royal  general,  had  no  idea  of  wasting 
his  men  by  hurling  them  against  a few  thousand 
Greeks,  who,  though  now  reduced  to  little  over  ten 
thousand,  were  desperate  and  disciplined  and  pre- 
pared to  sell  their  lives  dearly.  He  preferred  to  re- 
sort to  the  Persian  tactics  of  treachery  and  intrigue, 
well  aware  that  so  small  a body  of  men,  one  thousand 
miles  from  home,  surrounded  by  hungry  mountains 
and  desert  plains  in  the  heart  of  an  enemy’s  country, 
must  soon  perish. 

Clearchus  and  his  associate  commanders  should, 
as  Greeks,  have  been  sufficiently  shrewd  not  to  fall 
into  the  snares  of  treachery.  Yet  this  is  exactly 
what  happened.  Wily  as  a fox,  Tissaphernes  lured 
them  into  his  tent  on  the  pretence  of  arranging 
terms  by  which  they  should  be  permitted  to  return 
unmolested  to  Greece.  They  were  never  seen 
again  alive.  But  when  the  Greek  troops  learned 
from  the  heralds  sent  to  them  by  Tissaphernes  that 
through  the  loss  of  their  generals  they  were  in  a 
most  desperate  position,  instead  of  surrendering  to 
Tissaphernes  in  compliance  with  his  demands,  they 
at  once  proceeded  to  elect  generals  to  conduct  them 
on  their  homeward  march.  Among  those  selected 


PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  IN  FA  SION  OP  ALEXANDER.  135 

for  this  forlorn  hope  was  Xenophon,  whose  abilities 
soon  made  him  virtually  sole  commander. 

The  route  selected  by  Xenophon  for  the  famous 
retreat  of  the  Ten  Thousand  lay  in  a northerly  di- 
rection. Although  it  led  over  steep  mountains  and 
among  fierce  and  barbarous  tribes,  yet,  after  getting 
into  the  mountain  regions,  the  Greeks  would  be  less 
troubled  by  the  Persian  troops  and  would  be  able  to 
embark  at  a Greek  port  on  reaching  the  Euxine. 

The  difficulties  encountered  on  this  long  and  har- 
assing march  could  hardly  be  exaggerated.  Only 
the  skill  of  Xenophon  and  the  heroic  endurance  of 
his  troops  availed  to  escape  the  wiles  of  the  Persians 
and  the  perpetual  attacks  of  the  Carduchi,  who  in 
our  time  are  called  Kurds.  After  six  months  of 
fighting  and  travel  the  Greeks  at  last  beheld  the 
blue  sea,  those  in  advance  announcing  it  by  loud 
cries  of ‘‘ The  sea,  the  sea!”  It  was  at  Trapezus, 
now  called  Trebizond,  that  Xenophon  found  ships 
which  transported  his  army  to  Greece. 

One  result,  and  that  a very  important  one,  of  this 
famous  passage  of  so  small  a body  of  Greeks  across 
the  Persian  empire,  was  to  show  the  low  con- 
dition to  which  that  empire  had  fallen  through 
the  inefficiency  of  its  later  rulers.  The  authority  of 
the  king  hung  loosely  on  many  of  the  provinces. 
The  inefficiency  of  the  government  had  been  com- 
municated to  the  army,  which  was  therefore  far  less 
able  to  resist  invasion  than  when  Cyrus  and  Darius 
held  the  reins  of  empire  with  a firm  hand.  It  was  a 
knowledge  of  these  facts  which  in  time  led  Philip  of 
Macedon  to  make  preparations  to  invade  the  Persian 


136 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


empire  ; but  he  was  assassinated  before  he  could 
undertake  this  enterprise,  which  was  then  carried  to 
a successful  issue  by  Alexander  the  Great. 

Artaxerxes  Memnon  had  many  other  revolts  to 
occupy  his  attention  besides  that  of  his  brother 
Cyrus.  The  satraps  Mausolus  and  Datames  appear 
to  have  given  him  the  most  trouble,  although  by  the 
energy  of  Ariobarzanes  and  other  skilful  generals, 
these  insurrections  were  generally  put  down,  yet 
they  indicated  that  the  great  empire  founded  by 
Cyrus  must  soon  crumble  from  the  weakness  of  its 
monarchs  and  the  corruption  of  its  governors  and 
subordinate  officers,  unless  a strong  brain  and  arm 
should  arise  to  revive  its  decaying  vitality.  Such 
a man  appeared  on  the  death  of  Artaxerxes  after  a 
mild  but  ruinous  reign  of  forty-six  years. 

Artaxerxes  II.  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Ochus, 
who  took  the  name  of  Artaxerxes  III.  He  proved 
to  be  a man  quite  the  opposite  in  character  to  his 
father,  possessed  of  unusual  energy  and  great  deter- 
mination. He  found  the  Persian  empire  ready  to 
fall  asunder ; on  all  hands  the  satraps  were  in  revolt, 
and  the  various  races  which  had  been  held  subject 
by  the  superior  intellect  of  the  Iranian  race  were 
preparing  to  proclaim  their  independence.  The 
Athenians,  ever  ready  to  war  against  their  heredi- 
tary enemies,  the  Persians,  whom  they  haughtily 
styled  barbarians,  extended  aid  to  Artabazus,  sa- 
trap of  Phrygia.  But  the  threats  of  Artaxerxes  to 
carry  hostilities  into  Greece  brought  them  to  their 
senses,  and  Theban  mercenaries  at  the  same  time 
came  to  the  assistance  of  the  Persian  monarch. 


38 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


Artabazus  was  forced  to  fly  for  refuge  to  Macedonia, 
which  appears  to  have  been  at  that  time  an  asylum 
for  the  enemies  of  Persia. 

About  the  year  353  B.C.,  Artaxerxes  III.  gave 
further  evidence  of  the  vigor  of  his  character  by 
actually  planning  another  invasion  of  Greece,  and 
the  great  Athenian  orator  and  statesman,  Demos- 
thenes, warned  his  countrymen  to  act  with  caution 
in  order  that  they  might  not  afford  Artaxerxes  a 
desired  pretext  for  once  more  inundating  the  soil 
of  Greece  Avith  the  hordes  of  Central  Asia. 

Artaxerxes  was,  however,  diverted  from  under- 
taking this  invasion  by  renewed  hostilities  with 
Egypt,  and  by  the  revolt  of  Cyprus,  Judaea,  and 
Phoenicia.  After  a period  of  complete  indepen- 
dence, Egypt  was  again  reduced  to  be  a vassal  of 
Persia.  Artaxerxes  overran  the  country  and  sub- 
jected the  gods  of  Egypt  to  insults  equal  to  those  of 
Cambyses.  Mentor,  the  victorious  general  who  con- 
ducted the  Egyptian  campaign,  received  the  highest 
tokens  of  his  sovereign’s  appreciation.  It  was  the 
turn  of  Cyprus  next,,  and  she  too  learned  to  her  cost 
that  a man  of  genius  was  again  wielding  the  sceptre 
of  Persia. 

Artaxerxes  Ochus  himself  conducted  the  war 
against  Judaea  and  Phoenicia,  and  laid  siege  to  Sidon. 
This  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  sieges  in  history. 
It  lasted  for  many  months,  and  no  less  than  400,000 
people  perished  when  Sidon  was  stormed  and  burned, 
B.c.  351. 

The  extraordinary  ability  of  Artaxerxes  now  led 
him  to  act  in  the  affairs  of  Greece  in  a manner  quite 


PER  SI  A UN  TIL  THE  IN  VA  SION  OF  A LENA  NDER.  1 39 

the  reverse  of  that  followed  by  his  predecessors. 
Philip  of  Macedon  was  threatening  the  liberties  of 
the  numerous  small  but  active  republics  of  Greece. 
His  great  ability  and  ambition  had  awakened  the 
keenest  alarm.  In  this  crisis  the  Athenians  turned 
for  aid  to  the  country  which  had  so  often  threat- 
ened their  very  existence,  and  formed  an  alliance 
with  Artaxerxes  III.  There  seems  good  reason  to 
believe  that  a man  of  his  shrewd  intellect  perceived 
the  danger  to  Persia,  if  all  Greece  should  be  at  the 
beck  of  a commanding  will  like  that  of  Philip  of 
Macedon.  At  any  rate,  Artaxerxes  furnished  money 
and  troops  to  the  Greeks,  and  probably  intended  to 
proceed  in  person  with  a large  army  to  Greece.  But 
before  he  could  accomplish  that  design  Philip  suc- 
ceeded in  defeating  the  united  forces  of  Greece  at 
Chaeronaea,  338  B.C.,  a conflict,  which,  in  view  of  its 
vast  results,  may  be  considered  one  of  the  decisive 
battles  of  the  world. 

It  was  at  this  critical  time  that  Artaxerxes  III.  was 
murdered  by  the  eunuch  Bagoas.  It  requires  but  a 
little  reflection  to  judge  how  much  apparently  de- 
pended upon  the  continued  reign  of  such  a man  as 
Artaxerxes.  A soldier  and  statesman  of  his  stamp 
might  have  prevented  Alexander  from  entering  on 
his  expedition  against  Persia,  or  at  least  greatly 
hindered  the  career  of  conquest  which  enabled 
Alexander  to  change  the  map  of  the  world  for  ages. 

Bagoas  placed  Arses  the  youngest  son  of  Arta- 
xerxes on  the  throne  ; but  when  Arses  was  planning 
to  punish  the  eunuch  for  the  death  of  his  father, 
Bagoas  caused  the  young  king  and  his  entire  family 


140 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  SI  A. 


to  be  slain,  and  elevated  in  his  place  Darius  Codoma- 
nus,  called  Darius  III.,  who  was  a great-grandson  of 
Darius  II.  Bagoas  now  suffered  his  deserts;  he  had 
played  the  part  of  king-maker  with  rare  success, 
having  put  two  kings  out  of  the  way,  and  placed 
two  on  the  throne.  But  it  was  a dangerous  pre- 
cedent to  allow  so  powerful  a subject  to  live,  and 
Darius  ordered  him  to  execution.  Bagoas  affords 
an  example  of  the  great  influence  and  power  which 
have  often  been  acquired  in  past  ages  by  men  of  the 
unfortunate  class  to  which  he  belonged. 


XI. 

DARIUS  CODOMANUS  AND  ALEXANDER. 


Persia  had  arisen,  as  it  were,  from  her  ashes. 
The  genius  of  Artaxerxes  Ochus  had  renewed  her 
splendor  and  power,  and  given  the  empire  a new 
lease  of  life,  which  would  have  insured  its  continu- 
ance for  ages  if  he  had  been  succeeded,  as  was  Cyrus 
the  Great,  by  rulers  of  similar  talents.  But  destiny 
had  willed  otherwise,  and  when  Persia  had  to  meet 
in  the  field  one  of  the  greatest  generals  in  history, 
her  fate  was  confided  by  Providence  to  one  of  the 
most  incompetent  sovereigns  who  ever  sat  on  a 
throne.  Darius  Codomanus  may  not  have  commit- 
ted as  many  crimes  as  some  of  his  predecessors,  but 
neither  was  he  impelled  by  their  energy  and^genius. 
He  had  the  spirit  of  a coward,  and  a weakness 
amounting  nearly  to  imbecility.  The  successes  of 
Alexander  the  Great  lose  in  merit,  when  one  con- 
siders what  an  unworthy  foe  he  was  to  encounter 
when  he  passed  his  army  across  the  Hellespont  to 
conquer  Asia  in  the  spring  of  334  B.C. 

At  the  river  Granicus  Alexander,  not  without  diffi- 
culty, utterly  routed  a Persian  army  which  far  out- 
numbered his  own.  Alexander  after  this  event 
pushed  his  advance  southward  along  the  western 


142 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


coast  of  Asia  Minor,  where  the  large  number  of 
Greeks  made  conquest  easy.  Sardis  might  have 
offered  a long  resistance  ; but  the  Persian  general 
in  command,  with  a pusillanimity  at  that  day  un- 
common among  Persians,  surrendered  without  a 
blow,  and  with  his  garrison  went  over  to  Alexander. 

While  the  Macedonians  were  manoeuvring  in  this 
direction,  Memnon,  the  ablest  of  the  captains  of 
Darius,  was  busy  planning  movements  which  might 
have  effectually  checked  the  advance  of  the  invaders. 
With  the  Persian  fleets  Memnon  swept  the  ^gean, 
taking  isle  after  isle  ; at  the  same  time  he  was  mass- 
ing a large  force  which  was  intended  to  be  trans- 
ported to  Greece,  and  combining  there  with  an 
allied  army  of  the  Greek  republics  to  invade  Mace- 
donia. If  this  movement  had  been  carried  out 
Alexander  would  doubtless  have  been  obliged  to 
return  in  all  haste  to  defend  his  native  dominions. 
But  once  more  destiny  came  to  the  aid  of  him  whom 
she  had  chosen  to  execute  her  designs.  Memnon 
died  in  the  midst  of  his  plans.  With  him  died  the 
last  hope  of  saving  Persia  from  the  redoubtable  pha- 
lanx of  Macedonia. 

At  Issus  Darius  again  attempted  to  resist  the 
victorious  march  of  the  Macedonian  legions,  but 
with  the  usual  result.  He  made  a poor  selection  of 
a field  suited  for  the  manoeuvring  of  a large  army, 
and  Alexander  was  able  to  beat  the  Persians  in 
detail.  He  then  proceeded  to  reduce  Phoenicia,  in 
order  to  rob  Persia  of  the  last  ports  in  which  she 
could  concentrate  her  fleets.  Tyre,  garrisoned  by 
Persians,  resisted  Alexander  seven  months,  and  bit- 


DARIUS  CODOMANUS  AND  ALEXANDER.  I43 


a last  stand.  On  the  plains  of  Arbela  or  Gaugamela 
Alexander’s  magnificent  generalship  dispersed  an 
army  which,  if  rightly  led,  might  have  swept  his  own 
little  army  of  veterans  out  of  existence.  In  later 
ages  we  have  examples  of  how  bravely  the  Persians 
could  fight  when  in  smaller  numbers,  but  more  ably 
commanded,  even  against  such  soldiers  as  the  veter- 


terly  did  she  rue  the  obstinate  resistance  she 
offered. 

In  the  year  331  the  Macedonian  hero  finally 
turned  directly  towards  Persia  itself — the  heart  of 
the  great  empire  he  was  attempting  to  overthrow. 
Once  more  Darius  had  gathered  a vast  host  to  make 


DARIUS  AT  ISSUS. — FROM  MURAL  PAINTING  AT  POMPEII. 


144 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


ans  of  Rome.  It  was  not  lack  of  valor,  but  ineffi- 
ciency and  corruption  on  the  part  of  her  rulers 
which  cost  Persia  her  independence  when  invaded 
by  the  Macedonians.  If  Persia  should  ever  fall 
again  into  the  power  of  a foreign  invader,  it  will 
be  due,  in  part  at  least,  to  similar  causes.  The  Per- 
sian people  are  brave  and  intelligent,  but,  like  all 
Asiatics,  their  destiny  is  in  the  hands  of  their  rulers. 

Babylon  and  Susa  and  Persepolis  and  Pasargadae  ^ 
fell  into  his  hands  successively,  with  scarcely  any 
resistance,  except  what  was  heroically  offered  by 
the  mountain  tribes  called  Huxians,  who  may  have 
been  the  same  as  the  Loories  and  Bachtiarees  of  the 
present  day.  Vast  wealth  and  treasure  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  conquerors,  the  opulence  which  had 
been  reaped  for  ages  from  many  a province  and 
kingdom,  and  had  administered  to  the  luxury  of 
monarchs  whose  power  was  wellnigh  limitless,  and 
whose  love  of  luxury  had  been  as  great  as  their 
power  to  gratify  it. 

The  entry  of  Alexander  into  Persepolis  is  rendered 
doubly  memorable  by  the  conflagration  which  fol- 
lowed soon  after  and  reduced  one  of  the  most  mag- 
nificent of  the  world’s  capitals  to  ashes.  We  may 
judge  of  what  Persepolis  must  have  been  by  the 
grandeur  and  beauty  of  the  few  ruins  which  yet  re- 
main to  remind  us  of  the  glory  of  Darius  and  of  the 

* As  I have  intimated  on  a previous  page,  Persepolis  is  merely  a 
Greek  translation  of  a Persian  word,  and  means  the  city  of  the  Per- 
sians. I am  strongly  inclined  to  consider  Persepolis  and  Pasargadae 
as  one  and  the  same  place,  Pars,  Pers,  and  Fers  all  meaning  Persia 
in  the  native  tongue,  and  the  final  “ ce  ” being  purely  a Greek 
terminative  ; or,  one  might  have  been  a suburb  of  the  other. 


DARIUS  CODOMANUS  AND  ALEXANDER.  HS 

ruthlessness  of  war  when  her  torch  is  in  the  hand  of 
one  like  Alexander. 

According  to  the  usual  accounts,  the  burning  of 
Persepolis  was  the  result  of  the  fierce  orgies  to  which 
the  victors  abandoned  themselves  in  the  hour  of 
triumph.  Flushed  with  wine  quaffed  out  of  the 
golden  and  jewelled  goblets  of  Persian  kings,  Alex- 
ander listened  to  the  wild  songs  of  Thais,  a courtesan 
who  had  accompanied  him  from  Greece.  She  bade 
him  immortalize  his  name  by  applying  the  torch  to 
the  palaces  of  Persia.  Their  flames  would  emblazon 
his  name  with  letters  of  fire  on  the  scrolls  of  time. 
Dryden  has  recorded  this  incident  in  one  of  the 
finest  odes  in  the  English  language,  entitled  ‘‘Alex- 
ander’s Feast.”  But  in  his  famous  lyric  the  poet 
takes  what  is  probably  the  rational  view  of  this 
great  calamity,  which  it  certainly  was  to  the  history 
of  architecture.  Dryden  represents  the  king  of 
Macedon  fired  at  a banquet  in  the  halls  of  Per- 
sepolis by  the  strophes  of  Timotheus,  the  bard,  who 
recited  the  wrongs  which  Greece  had  suffered  at  the 
hands  of  Persia,  and  summoned  them  to  take  a ven- 
geance that  should  ring  down  all  succeeding  ages. 

“ Revenge,  revenge,  Timotheus  cries. 

See  the  Furies  arise  ; 

.See  the  snakes  that  they  rear. 

How  they  hiss  in  their  hair. 

And  the  sparkles  that  flash  from  their  eyes  ! 

Behold  a ghastly  band. 

Each  a torch  in  his  hand  ! 

Those  are  Grecian  ghosts,  that  in  battle  were  slam, 

And  unburied  remain 
Inglorious  on  the  plain  : 


146 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


Give  the  vengeance  due 
To  the  gallant  crew. 

Behold  how  they  toss  their  torches  on  high, 

How  they  point  to  the  Persian  abodes, 

And  glittering  temples  of  their  hostile  gods. 

The  princes  applaud  with  a furious  joy. 

And  the  king  seized  a flambeau  with  zeal  to  destroy  ; 
Thais  led  the  way. 

To  light  him  to  his  prey, 

And,  like  another  Helen,  fired  another  Troy.” 


The  burning  of  Persepolis  was  a mistake,  whether 
done  in  a moment  of  wild  frenzy,  or  as  an  act  of 
profound  policy.  He  who  wars  against  the  arts, 
wars  not  against  nations,  but  against  mankind. 

After  the  defeat  at  Arbela,  Darius  Codomanus, 
still  accompanied  by  a large  army,  including  the 
contingent  of  Greek  mercenaries  Avho  remained  by 
him  to  the  last,  fled  to  the  northeast.  Another 
monarch  or  general,  with  the  least  spirit  and  with 
such  forces  operating  in  his  own  country,  might 
easily  have  continued  to  offer  such  resistance  to 
Alexander  and  his  moderate-sized  army  that  might 
have  at  last  brought  them  to  ruin.  But  Darius  was  of 
the  stuff  of  which  they  are  made  who  throw  away 
what  their  fathers  have  accumulated.  The  founders 
and  the  losers  of  great  empires  are  cast  in  different 
moulds.  In  Bactria,  Darius  at  last  met  his  fate;  he 
was  assassinated  by  Bessus,  a satrap  of  that  province, 
and  the  dynasty  of  the  Achaemenidae  established  by 
Cyrus  the  First  came  to  an  end. 

Although  Alexander  had  conquered  this,  vast  em- 
pire in  what  seemed  a very  easy  manner,  yet  his 
difficulties  were  not  yet  over.  His  little  army,  which 


DARIUS  CODOMANUS  AND  ALEXANDER.  147 


probably  never  numbered  at  any  one  time  over  fifty 
thousand  men,  was  in  the  heart  of  a hostile  country. 
Of  course  it  had  met  with  many  losses,  which  had  to 
be  constantly  repaired  by  recruits  brought  from 
home.  But  Greece,  including  Macedonia,  was  a 
small  country  with  a meagre  population  ; garrisons 
had  to  be  placed  in  many  of  the  captured  cities,  and 
sooner  or  later  the  supply  of  Greeks  for  his  army 
would  be  exhausted.  The  situation  was  one  requir- 
ing no  less  ability  to  overcome  than  the  invasion 
which  had  just  been  accomplished.  It  is  one  thing 
to  invade  and  conquer  a hostile  country;  it  is 
quite  another  affair  to  reduce  it  to  permanent  sub- 
mission. The  problem  was  made  the  more  difficult 
because  Alexander  proposed  to  continue  his  con- 
quests towards  India  and  Central  Asia,  and  it  was 
of  the  last  importance  to  have  the  country  in  his 
rear  tranquil  and  submissive. 

In  this  emergency,  Alexander  adopted  two  meas- 
ures, the  only  ones,  perhaps,  that  were  available. 
The  first  was  to  fill  vacancies  in  his  regiments  with 
Persian  troops,  who,  under  good  command  could  be 
depended  on  to  fight  well,  provided  their  fidelity 
could  be  as  sure  as  their  valor.  The  other  meas- 
ure was  for  the  Macedonians  to  intermarry  with 
Persian  women  in  the  hope  that  such  alliances 
would  have  the  double  effect  of  reconciling  the  con- 
quered to  the  rule  of  the  invader,  and  of  making  the 
Greeks  willing  to  forget  the  homes  they  had  left  be- 
hind them  beyond  the  blue  Aigean.  Alexander 
set  the  example  by  marrying  Roxana,  the  daughter 
of  a Bactrian  prince,  but  afterwards,  to  still  further 


148 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


orientalize  himself  and  secure  the  affection  of  the 
Persians,  accepted  the  system  of  polygamy,  contrary 
to  Greek  usages,  and  took  to  wife  Statira,  daughter 
of  Darius  and  Parysatis,  the  daughter  of  Artaxerxes 
Ochus.  Ten  thousand  of  the  Macedonian  soldiers, 
besides  nearly  a hundred  of  the  higher  officers  also, 
married  Persian  women.  Alexander,  after  this,  went 
a step  further,  and  actually  organized  a separate 
corps,  composed  entirely  of  Persians,  armed  and 
disciplined  like  the  Greeks,  to  the  number  of  30,000. 

After  arranging  these  affairs  in  Iran  itself,  the 
hero  of  Macedon  started  to  reduce  the  north  and 
eastern  provinces  of  Persia,  where  Bessus,  the  slayer 
of  Darius,  of  blood-royal  himself,  had  set  up  his 
authority  and  undertook  to  assert  himself  as  king  of 
Persia.  In  his  progress,  Alexander  is  said  by  the 
Persian  legends  to  have  come  to  a famous  plane-tree 
which  grew  near  Damghan.  This  tree  was  in  two 
parts,  or  trunks — the  one  male,  the  other  female. 
The  former  spoke  by  day,  and  the  other  by  night, 
uttering  oracular  sayings.  Alexander  took  counsel 
with  these  mystic  plane-trees,  which,  like  so 
many  of  their  species  in  Persia,  stand  in  lonely 
spots  overlooking  vast  and  arid  table-lands.  The 
trees  gave  forth  a boding  voice  to  him  as  they 
whispered  that  he  was  to  die  while  yet  in  his  prime, 
and  others  should  reap  the  fruits  of  his  victories. 
The  prediction  of  the  plane-trees  does  not  appear 
to  have  in  the  least  dampened  the  warrior’s  ardor 
for  conquests.  For  he  continued  on  his  marvellous 
career  until  his  cavalry  watered  their  horses  in  the 
waters  of  the  Indus. 


DARIUS  CO  DOM  AN  US  AND  ALEXANDER.  149 

Alexander  on  his  return  from  India  fixed  his 
capital  at  Babylon.  There,  in  the  short  time  that 
remained  before  his  death  caused  by  the  excesses  in 
which  he  indulged,  he  proceeded  to  organize  the  im- 
mense empire  which  now  acknowledged  his  sway. 
The  old  satrapies  or  governments  into  which  the  em- 
pire had  been 'divided  were  in  general  continued,  and 
in  many  cases  Persians  were  appointed  to  them,  which 
tended  to  conciliate  the  people.  The  central  and 
western  provinces  seem  gradually  to  have  accepted 
the  situation  in  good  faith.  But  the  eastern  and 
northern  provinces,  such  as  Sogdiana,  Bactria,  and 
India,  were  ever  rebellious  and  gave  Alexander 
much  trouble.  When  one  considers  of  what  inco- 
herent materials  the  vast  empire  of  Persia  was  com- 
posed, one  is  surprised  that  it  held  together  at  all 
after  his  death ; for  the  Macedonian  rule  introduced 
yet  another  element  of  discord. 

The  reader  will  remember  that  Philip  of  Macedon 
had  subjugated  the  Greek  republics  and  brought 
them  under  the  rule  of  Macedon.  The  Macedonians 
were  allied  by  race  with  other  Greeks,  and  yet,  on 
account  of  their  intermixture  with  other  races,  to- 
gether with  their  inferior  civilization,  the  Mace- 
donians had  always  been  regarded  by  the  Greeks, 
and  especially  the  Athenians  and  Spartans,  as  aliens. 
The  Greek  republics  had  not  been  beaten  by  reason 
of  military  inferiority,  but  because  they  were  rent 
by  dissensions  and  the  jealousies  and  small  political 
intrigues  seemingly  inseparable  from  republics,  as 
well  as  the  fact  that  Philip  of  Macedon  was  a man 
of  unusual  genius,  who  to  this  added  the  power  of 
buying  up  some  of  the  leading  men  of  Greece. 


ISO  THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

When  Alexander  the  Great  entered  upon  his 
Persian  campaign  his  army  was  composed  not  only 
of  Macedonians  ; it  was  reinforced  as  well  by  recruits 
from  all  parts  of  Greece.  Macedonians  and  Greeks 
fought  side  by  side  in  his  battles,  and  this  mutual 
rivalry  perhaps  aided  to  stimulate  their  courage. 

But  when  Alexander  came  to  found  cities  and  colo- 
nize them  with  Greeks  who  had  no  especial  sympa- 
thy with  his  cause,  or  placed  entire  provinces  under 
their  control,  then  the  smouldering  fires  of  jealousy, 
and  the  hate  against  the  Macedonians  found  expres- 
sion. After  his  death  this  feejing  burst  forth  in  various 
quarters,  and  was  one  of  the  causes  which  in  the  end 
brought  about  the  ruin  of  Macedonian  and  Greek 
rule  in  Asia.  Alexander  founded  more  than  seventy 
cities  in  which  he  implanted  Greek  and  Macedonian 
colonies.  By  this  military  network  he  proposed 
that  he  and  his  successors  should  hold  in  unbroken 
form  the  empire  which  had  reached  its  utmost  limits 
under  Darius  I. 

But  when,  in  the  year  323  B.C.,  the  news  flew 
from  India  to  the  Nile  that  Alexander,  he  who  had 
proclaimed  descent  from  the  gods,  was  dead,  then 
dissension  broke  forth  in  every  quarter.  For  over 
forty  years  the  unhappy  people  of  this  vast  region 
were  rent  with  discord,  and  the  sod  was  drenched 
with  blood.  The  generals  of  Alexander  fought  for 
the  throne.  Perdiccas,  who  as  regent  at  Babylon 
during  the  minority  of  Alexander’s  son,  naturally 
claimed  the  regency,  if  not  the  sovereignty,  of  the 
whole  empire,  was  soon  assassinated,  and  his  power 
was  claimed  by  Pitho,  satrap  of  Media;  but  he  was 


DARIUS  CODOMANUS  AND  ALEXANDER.  I 5 I 


displaced  by  a conspiracy  of  the  other  satraps,  who 
united  in  electing  Eumenes  to  occupy  the  throne 
of  Alexander,  at  Susa,  in  316.  But  Eumenes  was 
betrayed  into  the  hands  of  Antigonus,  another 
great  Macedonian  general.  Antigonus  in  turn  was 
obliged  to  yield  to  Seleucus,  one  of  the  Alexandrian 
generals,  who  took  possession  of  Babylon  and  may 
be  said  to  have  founded,  about  the  year  312  B.C.,  the 
great  dynasty  of  the  Seleucidse.  During  these  fierce 
civil  wars  Persis  or  Iran,  the  real  seat  of  the  Persian 
empire,  seems  to  have  suffered  but  little,  being  as  it 
were  in  an  eddy  at  one  side,  while  the  tide  of  war 
surged  wildly  over  Media,  Babylonia,  and  Parthia. 

Seleucus  Nicator  founded  the  city  of  Seleucia  on 
the  Tigris,  which  he  made  the  capital  of  the  Persian 
or  rather  the  Greco-Persian  empire.  Those  who 
look  at  the  condition  of  the  East  Indies  in  this 
century,  where  a population  of  two  hundred  and 
forty  millions  is  governed  by  scarcely  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  Englishmen,  may  form  an  idea  of 
the  condition  of  Persia  and  its  provinces  under  the 
reign  of  Seleucus  Nicator  and  his  successors.  The 
Macedonians  with  their  Greek  troops  were  probably 
at  first  less  numerous  even  than  the  English  in 
India,  and  quite  as  different  in  habits  and  character 
from  the  subject  races. 

But  the  Macedonian  rulers  had  two  elements  to 
contend  with,  which  greatly  complicated  the  difficul- 
ties of  their  position,  and  was  one  of  the  causes 
which  in  the  end  brought  about  the  fall  of  their  do- 
minion in  Asia.  One  of  these  was  the  dissension 
which  grew  up  between  the  cavalry  and  the  infantry 


152 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


of  the  Macedonian  forces.  The  former  had  in  some 
way  united  in  considering  that  the  first  object  for 
them  to  accomplish  was  to  preserve  the  empire  in 
the  form  which  Alexander  had  left  it,  and  to  place 
that  object  before  the  question  of  Macedonian 
supremacy  ; if  necessary,  they  were  even  willing  to 
sacrifice  the  authority  of  Macedonia,  if  expedient  to 
do  so  in  order  to  keep  the  Persian  empire  intact. 
But  the  infantry  considered  that  at  all  hazards  the 
strong  arm  of  Macedonian  power  should  rule  in 
Asia  over  both  Greeks  and  Persians,  and  that  rather 
than  yield  that  point  the  empire  might  be  allowed  to 
fall  to  pieces.  It  was  a “ rule  or  ruin  ” policy. 

The  other  element  of  discord,  which  grew  in  part 
out  of  the  former,  was  the  distinction  which  the 
Macedonians  proposed  to  preserve  between  them- 
selves and  the  citizens  of  the  subject  republics  of 
Greece  who  had  aided  them  in  the  conquest  of 
Persia.  One  way  in  which  this  was  shown  was  by 
the  appointment  of  Macedonian  governors  and  gen- 
erals over  the  satrapies  and  over  the  garrisons  which 
manned  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  cities  founded  by 
Alexander  and  Seleucus  Nicator. 

The  Greeks  resented  such  treatment,  and  after 
Alexander’s  death  the  dissatisfaction  found  vent  in 
open  rebellion  and  many  a bloody  conflict.  One  of 
the  most  terrible  of  these  tragedies  occurred  when 
the  Greeks  in  Northeastern  Persia  heard  of  the  death 
of  Alexander.  What  cared  they  to  remain  away 
from  their  homes  now  that  the  soldier  was  dead  who 
had  forced  them  to  march  over  the  wilds  and  wastes 
of  Asia  to  crown  with  laurels  the  son  of  him  who 


ALEXANDER  VISITING  THE  FAMILY  OF  DARIUS  AFTER  THE  BATTLE  OF  ARBELA. 


153 


154 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


had  robbed  them  of  their  liberty  ? An  army  of 
Greeks  to  the  number  of  twenty-three  thousand 
undertook  to  fight  their  way  back  to  Greece.  It  is 
probable  that  they  would  have  accomplished  their 
purpose  but  for  the  treachery  of  one  of  their  gen- 
erals, who  sold  them  to  Pitho,  the  Macedonian  sa- 
trap of  Media.  Having  thus  got  them  in  his  power, 
Pitho  agreed  to  allow  them  to  risk  the  chances  of  the 
journey  home  if  they  would  lay  down  their  arms. 
But  the  Macedonians  under  his  command  were 
furious  at  the  action  of  their  general,  and  after  the 
Greeks  had  in  good  faith  surrendered  they  fell  upon 
the  poor  wretches  and  slaughtered  them  to  a man. 
It  is  easy  to  see  that  such  an  atrocious  calamity  only 
tended  to  increase  the  hate  which  had  been  only  half 
subdued  while  the  iron  hand  of  Alexander  held  this 
incongruous  army  together. 

The  Greek  colonists  in  Bactria,  the  extreme  north- 
east satrapy  of  Persia,  also  revolted  and  w^ere  put 
down  W'ith  difficulty  by  Seleucus  Nicator.  But  the 
disaffection  continued,  and  in  the  reign  of  Antiochus 
IP,  Diodatus,  satrap  of  Bactria,  arose  against  the 
authority  of  the  Seleucidae,  about  the  year  240  B.C., 
and  founded  a separate  Greek  state  in  the  heart  of 
Central  Asia.  The  kingdom  of  Bactria  presents  one 
of  the  most  singular  episodes  in  history.  A small 
colony  of  foreigners  and  aliens,  many  hundred  miles 
from  the  sea,  entirely  isolated,  and  numbering  prob- 
ably not  over  thirty-five  thousand,  not  only  main- 
tained their  independence  one  hundred  years  in  a 
strange  land,  but  extended  their  conquests  to  the 
Ganges  and  included  one  thousand  populous  cities 
in  their  dominions. 


DARIUS  CODOMANUS  AND  ALEXANDER.  155 

So  entirely  alone  were  the  Greeks  of  Bactria,  so 
completely  were  they  separated  from  the  mother- 
country  beyond  the  seas,  and  so  completely  have  all 
vestiges  of  their  race  and  civilization  disappeared, 
that  it  is  only  by  roundabout  ways  we  are  able  to 
trace  the  progress  of  the  state  which  was  founded  by 
Diodatus.  For  a knowledge  of  the  facts  relating  to 
the  later  years  of  its  existence  we  are  almost  alto- 
gether dependent  on  the  coins  which  are  found  from 
time  to  time  in  that  region,  and  the  records  of  Chinese 
historians.  China  was  at  that  period  beginning  to 
extend  her  commerce  and  arms  in  a v/esterly  direc- 
tion, and  thus  it  is  to  that  country  that  we  are 
indebted  for  much  of  the  little  we  know  about  the 
Greek  colonies  in  Central  Asia. 

Another  curious  fact  connected  with  the  history 
of  Bactria,  is  the  circumstance  that  the  establish- 
ment of  that  kingdom  as  an  independent  power  inci- 
dentally furnished  the  cause  of  its  final  extinction, 
for  it  led  to  the  founding  of  the  Parthian  empire, 
which  overthrew  the  power  of  Bactria.  It  came 
about  in  the  following  manner  : When  the  Greeks 
settled  in  Bactria,  they  found  it  peopled  by  tribes  of 
mountaineers  and  shepherds,  who,  like  the  modern 
Turkomans,  added  to  these  pursuits  the  love  of  ad- 
venture and  the  practice  of  brigandage.  The  rising 
of  an  independent  government  that  ruled  with  intel- 
ligence and  with  a firm  hand  reduced  the  population 
to  order,  was  little  to  the  liking  of  the  free-roving 
tribes  of  the  Bactrian  deserts.  A tribe  of  these  no- 
mads called  the  Parni,  probably  of  the  same  Aryan 
stock  as  the  Persians,  not  feeling  strong  enough  to 
expel  the  Greeks  from  Bactria,  decided  to  expatriate 


156 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


themselves  and  in  new  pastures  to  seek  their  lost 
freedom.  Therefore  they  moved  westward  and  set- 
tled in  Parthia,  a large  satrapy  of  Persia,  now  repre- 
sented by  the  great  province  of  Khorassan  and  the 
adjacent  districts.  The  head  chiefs  of  the  Parni  were 
two  brothers,  Arsaces  and  Tiridates  by  name. 

Parthia  was  held  at  that  time  for  the  Macedonians 
by  the  satrap  Phericles.  The  small  number  of 
Greeks  and  Macedonians  in  the  Persian  empire  may 
be  inferred  from  the  ease  with  which  the  Macedo- 
nian rule  was  abolished  in  Parthia  by  a small  tribe 
of  nomads  who  had  but  recently  settled  within  its 
borders.  Phericles  evidently  thought  there  was  little 
to  fear  from  these  shepherds ; for  he  wantonly  in- 
sulted Tiridates,  the  younger  of  the  two  chieftains. 
He  must  have  been  surprised  indeed  Avhen  he  found 
that  they  dared  to  attack  him  in  his  stronghold. 
But  this  was  not  all  ; for  the  revolt  was  so  success- 
ful that  Phericles  was  slain  and  the  rule  of  Macedon 
ceased  from  Northern  Persia  forever.  Arsaces  as- 
sumed the  throne  250  B.C.  and  founded  the  great 
Parthian  monarchy,  whose  dynasty  took  from  him 
the  name  of  Arsacidae.  Ever  since  the  accession  of 
Arsaces  I.,  the  Parnians  have  been  called  Parthians, 
although  they  were  not  in  any  sense  entitled  to 
that  name.  Is  it  not  a curious  example  of  the  con- 
tradictions of  destiny  that  a tribe  which  exiled  itself 
from  home  in  order  to  escape  from  the  precise  laws 
of  a regulated  government  should  within  a very  few 
years  establish  a similar  government  as  a direct 
result  of  the  action  it  had  taken  to  escape  from 
such  rule  ? 


DARIUS  CODOMANUS  AND  ALEXANDER.  15/ 

The  capital  of  the  Arsacidse  was,  at  least  in  the 
earlier  reigns,  at  Rhages,  now  called  Rhei,  near 
Teheran,  the  modern  capital  of  Persia.  It  is  now  in 
ruins  which  are  yet  sufficiently  numerous  and  wide- 
spread to  show  that  a very  large  city  once  stood  on 
that  spot.  Some  writers  assume  that  the  capital 
of  Parthia  was  at  the  place  now  called  Shalir-i- 
Veramin  ; ruins  still  exist  there,  of  which  the 
oldest  and  most  important  is  an  immense  low 
mound,  square-shaped,  with  the  remains  of  a para- 
pet that  shows  it  to  have  been  a fortress  at  some 
remote  period,  perhaps  the  citadel  of  a capital.  It 
is  quite  possible  that  the  Parthians  first  established 
themselves  at  that  place,  but  finding  it  to  be  un- 
healthy, removed  the  seat  of  government  to  Rhages, 
which  had  already  gained  importance  as  a large 
city. 


XII. 

THE  PARTHIANS. 

The  founding  of  the  Parthian  monarchy  marks 
the  opening  of  another  great  era  in  the  story  of 
Persia.  We  have  thus  far  been  following  the  history 
of  that  empire  during  three  important  periods,  the 
legendary  age,  the  period  of  the  Achemenian  dy- 
nasty, and  that  of  Alexander  and  his  successors. 
We  now  have  before  us  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  Par- 
thians  as  rulers  of  the  empire  founded  by  Cyrus  the 
Great,  the  historical  successor  of  the  legendary  kings 
of  Persia. 

While  it  is  doubtless  true  that  the  successors  of 
Alexander  continued  their  authority  over  large  por- 
tions of  his  empire  for  ages  after  the  Parthians  en- 
tered the  field  as  rivals,  and  repeatedly  defeated 
them,  }’et  the  fact  remains  that  from  the  time  Ar- 
saces  I.  was  proclaimed  king  of  Parthia,  the  Seleu- 
cidae  began  to  lose  ground  in  the  distinctively 
Persian  provinces  of  their  dominions  until  they  were 
entirely  expelled  by  the  Parthians. 

For  some  reasons  it  is  not  easy  to  see  why  the 
Parthian  dynasty  should  not  be  considered  and 
called  Persian.  The  Parthians,  if  inferior  in  refine- 
ment and  quickness  of  mind  to  the  lively  and  bril- 

158 


THE  PARTHIANS. 


159 


liant  race  which  had  sprung  up  in  Persia,  and  given 
birth  to  Cyrus  and  Darius,  was  probably  a branch 
of  the  same  stock.  It  was  originally  a nomadic 
tribe  similar  to  those  which  now  roam  in  Persia  with 
their  flocks.  In  religion  also  the  Parthians,  like 
the  Persians,  were  at  first  devoted  followers  of  the 
doctrines  of  the  great  Zoroaster.  But  historians 
have  agreed  to  consider  Persia  as  under  subjection 
during  the  rule  of  the  Parthians,  because  Persis  or 
Iran,  which  gave  birth  to  Cyrus  and  the  men  who 
helped  him  establish  the  Persian  empire,  was  not  the 
ruling  province  during  the  Parthian  period. 

The  Parthians  also  had  customs  which  were  so 
peculiar  to  themselves  that  they  never  intermingled 
much  with  the  people  of  the  subject  provinces.  The 
king  had  under  him  a few  hundred  nobles,  who  were 
free,  except  as  to  their  allegiance  to  him.  All  the 
other  Parthians  were  serfs,  who  were  bound  either  to 
the  domains  of  the  sovereign  or  were  distributed 
among  the  nobles,  each  of  whom  was  practically  a 
large  slave-holder.  When  Parthia  went  to  war  the 
leading  officers  of  the  army  were  chosen  from  the 
body  of  grandees,  and  all  under  their  command 
were  slaves  so  submissive  that  they  never  seemed 
to  have  thought  of  rising  and  securing  their  freedom. 

The  Parthians  were  great  horsemen,  and  their 
armies  were  composed  entirely  of  cavalry,  complete- 
ly clad  in  chain  armor  and  riding  without  saddles. 
Their  method  of  fighting  was  remarkable.  They 
charged  furiously  at  the  enemy,  hurling  javelins  and 
arrows  into  their  ranks,  then  wheeling  suddenly  ap- 
peared to  fly  in  confusion,  but  shot  arrows  by  turn- 


l6o  THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

ing  as  their  steeds  flew  over  the  plain.  If  the  enemy 
mistook  this  movement  for  flight  and  imprudently 
pursued  fhem,  they  suddenly  wheeled  and  threw 
them  into  terrible  confusion,  too  often  ending  in 
defeat. 

Such  were  the  people  whom  we  now  see  looming 
up  above  the  horizon  of  history.  They  left  few 
records;  indeed,  we  really  know  very  little  of  the 
internal  history  of  the  Parthians,  and  would  have 
known  still  less  but  for  the  frequent  wars  between 
them  and  the  Greeks  and  Romans.  It  is  to  the 
historians  of  the  latter  that  we  are  indebted  for 
almost  all  reliable  history  until  the  Dark  Ages. 
Oriental  people  have  shown  much  quickness  in  the 
arts  and  in  the  composition  of  poetry,  but  in  the 
statements  of  facts,  such  as  history  or  science,  they 
have  always  been  far  behind  the  races  of  Europe. 
The  Oriental  mind  can  hardly  be  considered  inferior 
to  that  of  Europe,  but  it  belongs  to  quite  another 
type. 

The  Parthians  also  struck  a great  many  coins, 
of  which  numbers  are  still  found  in  Northern  Per- 
sia ; these  coins  have  been  of  great  value  to  the 
historian  who,  thousands  of  years  later,  has  tried  to 
put  together  the  disjointed  history  of  the  Parthian 
dynasty. 

Amid  the  faint  and  confused  outlines  which  alone 
remain  to  record  the  career  of  the  powerful  Parthian 
race  that  for  over  four  hundred  years  ruled  in  Persia 
with  a rod  of  iron,  and  a force  that  over  and  over 
again  hurled  back  the  mailed  and  veteran  legions  of 
Rome  shattered  and  dismayed,  we  are  able  to  discern 


THE  PARTHIANS. 


l6l 


two  or  three  grand  forms  and  several  events  that 
will  live  as  long  as  the  world  lives. 

Of  these  heroes  of  Parthia  the  most  important  was 
Mithridates  the  Great,  who  not  only  repaired  the 
losses  the  empire  had  sustained  during  several  reigns 
in  warfare  with  the  Seleucidae,  but  carried  the  con- 
quests of  Parthia  as  far  as  India  in  the  east,  and  to 
the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  in  the  west.  And  now 
for  the  first  time  the  Parthians  and  Romans  met, 
not  in  this  case  for  war,  but  by  means  of  embassa- 
dors, wEo  arranged  a treaty  of  peace  between  the 
two  great  powers  of  that  age. 

Soon  after  this  event  Demetrius 
III.,  king  of  the  Seleucid  dy- 
nasty, was  forced  to  surrender, 
with  his  entire  army,  to  Mithri- 
dates, and  ended  his  days  in 
captivity.  Armenia  also  fell  un- 
der the  Parthian  rule  during  the  coin  of  mithridates  i. 
reign  of  Mithridates.  The  coins  of  Mithridates  are 
very  numerous  and  clearly  cut  ; the  design  shows  the 
portrait  of  that  monarch,  a man  with  a full  beard 
and  strongly  marked  but  pleasing  features. 

The  immediate  successors  of  the  great  Mithri- 
dates were  men  of  entirely  different  stamp,  and 
Tigranes,  King  of  Armenia,  was  able  therefore  not 
only  to  revolt,  but  to  rob  Parthia  of  some  of  her 
western  provinces.  But  in  time  Phraortes  succeed- 
ed to  the  throne  of  the  Arsacidse,  and  by  calling 
for  aid  from  the  Romans  caused  the  overthrow  of 
Tigranes.  But  the  haughty  republic  of  the  west 
granted  its  assistance  to  Phraortes  with  such  ill- 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


162 

concealed  insults,  that  a hatred  was  aroused  that 
could  only  be  wiped  out  in  blood. 

Phraortes  was  murdered  by  his  two  sons.  Orodes 
as  the  Latins  called  him,  but  Huraodha,  according 
to  the  Zend  or  Perso-Parthian  tongue,  mounted  the 
throne  ; but  to  avoid  dissension  it  was  agreed  that 
his  brother,  Mithridates,  should  rule  over  Media  as 
an  independent  king.  It  was  not  long  before  civil 
war  broke  out  between  the  brothers,  and  in  the  end 
Mithridates  Avas  taken  and  executed  before  the  very 
eyes  of  his  brother  Orodes. 

It  was  now  the  year  54  B.C.  The  civil  wars  in 
Rome  had  ceased  for  a while,  and  Crassus,  who  with 
Caesar  and  Pompey  shared  the  authority  in  the  re- 
public, assumed  the  charge  of  the  Roman  armies  in 
Asia.  Rome  in  that  age  always  had  one  war  (gener- 
ally two  or  three)  on  her  hands,  and  was  rapidly  grow- 
ing Avealthy  and  luxurious  Avith  the  spoils  of  the 
nations  that  she  Avas  constantly  leading  in  chains  at 
her  triumphal  car.  Crassus  required  but  the  merest 
pretext  to  invade  and  attack  Parthia.  The  easy 
victories  of  Pompey  in  Armenia  led  him  to  imagine  , 
that  he  had  but  to  reach  the  borders  of  that  empire 
to  have  it  fall  helpless  into  his  grasp.  He  Avas  a 
brave  man,  and  he  led  sixty  thousand  of  the  best 
troops  in  the  Avorld.  But  his  contempt  of  the  enemy 
and  the  greed  of  gold,  for  Avhich  he  Avas  notorious, 
caused  him  to  fall  into  a terrible  catastrophe. 

The  chief  general  of  Orodes  Avas  Surenas,  the  first 
nobleman  of  the  empire  and,  as  it  appears,  a man  of 
great  ability,  Avho  had  rendered  A^ery  A^aluable  ser- 
vices in  securing  Orodes  on  the  throne.  It  Avas  on 


THE  PARTHIANS. 


163 

the  6th  of  June,  just  nineteen  hundred  and  forty 
years  ago,  that  the  Romans  and  the  Parthians  of 
Persia  first  crossed  their  swords  in  battle,  at  Charrae, 
near  the  sources  of  the  Euphrates. 

Surenas  concealed  the  mass  of  his  army  behind 
the  hills,  allowing  the  Romans  to  see  at  first  only 
the  heavily  armed  cavalry.  Little  suspecting  what 
was  the  actual  force  of  the  enemy,  Publius  Crassus, 
son  of  Crassus,  charged  them  at  the  head  of  the 
Roman  cavalry.  The  Parthians,  following  their 
usual  tactics,  broke  and  fled  as  if  in  dismay.  When 
they  had  drawn  the  Romans  far  enough  fr.om  the 
main  body,  the  entire  army  of  Surenas  deployed, 
and  surrounding  them,  cut  them  to  pieces.  After 
this  success,  the  Parthians  hovered  around  the  flanks 
of  the  Roman  infantry,  galling  them  with  spears  and 
arrows,  while  themselves  suffering  only  trifling  loss. 

The  heat,  the  thirst,  the  dust,  completed  the  dis- 
comfiture of  the  Romans,  who,  when  the  sun  set  on 
the  plains  quivering  with  mirage,  were  powerless. 
But,  according  to  their  custom,  the  Parthians  with- 
drew at  the  close  of  the  day  to  renew  the  attack  on 
the  following  morning.  Under  the  shades  of  night 
the  Romans  fled,  having  suffered  immense  losses, 
and  leaving  their  wounded  on  the  field.  But  such 
was  the  rout  and  consternation  of  the  remnants 
of  the  iron  legions  of  Rome,  that  on  the  morrow 
Crassus  was  fain  to  accept  the  proposals  made  by 
Surenas.  On  descending  into  the  plain  to  confer 
with  the  Parthian  general,  the  Roman  general  soon 
perceived  that  his  fate  had  come.  On  a slight 
pretext  the  conference  came  to  blows,  and  Crassus 


164 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


was  immediately  despatched.  His  head  was  sent 
to  Orodes,  who  caused  the  mouth  to  be  stuffed  with 
gold,  saying  mockingly  : “ Be  satisfied  now  with  thy 
life’s  desire  ! ” Of  the  great  army  that  Crassus  led 
into  Asia  not  twenty  thousand  remained  alive  ; ten 
thousand  of  the  survivors  were  captives,  who  were 
settled  by  Orodes  in  Margiana. 

Surenas,  the  hero  of  the  greatest  victory  won  over 
a Roman  army  since  the  immortal  campaigns  of  Han- 
nibal, was  ill  rewarded  for  the  remarkable  services 
he  had  rendered  his  country.  Orodes,  in  the  true 
spirit  of  an  Oriental  despot,  was  unable  to  allow  so 
powerful  a subject  to  live,  and  Surenas  paid  for 
his  victory  with  his  life.  But  Orodes  expiated  his 
crimes  in  a horrible  manner,  for  after  a long  reign, 
which  carried  Parthia  to  her  highest  pinnacle  of 
power,  he  was  strangled  in  his  eightieth  year  by  his 
son  Phraates.  Orodes  first  among  the  Parthian 
kings  assumed  the  title  of  king  of  kings. 

Phraates  removed  the  seat  of  government  from 
the  north  of  the  empire  to  Taisefoon  or,  as  the 
Greeks  called  it,  Ctesiphon,  a suburb  of  Seleucia, 
which  continued  after  this  to  be  the  capital  until 
the  Mohammedan  conquest,  more  than  six  hundred 
years  later.  Hatra,  in  that  vicinity,  also  acquired 
importance  under  the  Parthian  kings,  who  caused 
a splendid  palace  to  be  erected  there.  Phraates 
was  eminently  successful  in  his  military  operations, 
although  steeped  in  crime  ; besides  murdering  his 
father,  he  had  caused  all  his  near  relations  to  be 
sacrificed,  in  order  to  ensure  his  position  on  the 
throne.  Phraates,  however,  was  not  destitute  of 


THE  PARTHIANS. 


65 


ability.  The  common  saying  that  cruelty  and  cow- 
ardice go  together  is  not  always  true,  and  certainly 
not  in  the  case  of  Orientals.  And  it  must  be  said 
that  the  peculiar  form  of  government  which  has 
always  existed  in  Asiatic  states  tends  to  make  rulers 
wary,  and  often  obliges  them  to  act  with  quick  de- 
cision and  great  apparent  cruelty ; for  Oriental  kings 
live  a lonely  life,  with  few  friends  and  surrounded  by 


RUINS  OF  PALACE  AT  HATRA. 

many,  often  of  their  own  household,  conspiring  for 
power.  It  was  somewhat  the  same  in  Europe  before 
the  rising  of  the  people  from  time  to  time  forced 
kings  to  give  up  much  of  their  authority  and  allow 
the  people  to  have  a voice  in  the  government. 

Phraates  soon  had  another  Roman  war  on  his 
hands.  Before  the  death  of  Orodes,  that  monarch 
had  associated  with  him  his  son  Pacorus,  a soldier 
and  statesman,  who  conquered  Syria  and  ruled  both 


1 66  THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

there  and  in  Palestine,  with  a mildness  that  con- 
trasted agreeably  with  the  stern  authority  of  the 
Roman  governors,  whom  he  had  expelled.  But 
Pacorus  was  finally  defeated  and  killed  by  the 
Roman  consul,  Ventidius,  and  the  territories  he  had 
captured  on  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  were  lost 
to  Parthia. 

The  victory  of  Ventidius  encouraged  the  celebra- 
ted Mark  Antony  to  enter  himself,  in  the  year  33 
B.C.,  on  a campaign  against  the  Parthians,  whom  the 
Romans  could  never  forgive  for  the  crushing  defeat  of 
Crassus,  while  as  long  as  Parthia  continued  so  power- 
ful, she  presented  an  impregnable  barrier  against 
the  advance  of  the  Roman  eagles  into  Central  Asia. 
Antony  made  far  greater  preparations  than  Crassus; 
he  was  determined  that  this  time  Parthia  should 
be  humbled.  His  army  numbered  one  hundred 
thousand  men  including  no  less  than  forty  thou- 
sand cavalry,  who  were  intended  to  cope  with 
the  invincible  horsemen  of  Parthia.  The  army 
was  also  abundantly  provided  with  baggage  and 
siege  trains.  Antony  himself  was,  a general  of 
unusual  military  qualifications ; he  further  stre'ngth- 
ened  his  position  by  deluding  the  Parthians  into  the 
idea  that  his  intentions  were  peaceful,  and  it  was  not 
until  the  Roman  host  was  near  at  hand,  that 
Phraates  became  aware  that  Parthia  was  threatened 
by  the  most  formidable  invasion  she  had  yet  en- 
countered. 

To  oppose  this  great  peril,  Phraates  could  only 
hastily  collect  forty  thousand  cavalry ; but  he  was 
equal  to  the  emergency;  and  immediately  began 


THE  PARTHIANS. 


167 


operations  by  surprising  the  baggage  trains  of  the 
enemy,  and  putting  the  attending  escort  of  seven 
thousand  five  hundred  men  to  the  sword.  Antony 
was  at  the  time  engaged  in  besieging  Phraaspa.  He 
was  obliged  to  abandon  the  siege,  but  the  pursuit  of 
the  Parthians  was  so  vigorous  that  it  was  the  great- 
est difficulty  that  the  Roman  general  was  able  to 
reach  the  frontier  of  Armenia  after  a loss  of  thirty 
thousand  of  his  best  troops.  This  disaster  proved 
decisive.  For  one  hundred  years  after  this,  Rome 
dared  not  again  attack  Parthia;  and  when,  in  later 
ages,  her  legions  repeated  the 
attempts  to  penetrate  to  the 
heart  of  Persia,  they  always 
failed.  Rome,  in  every  other 
quarter  successful,  uniformly 
found  that  the  frontiers  of  Per- 
sia formed  an  impervious  barrier 
to  the  advance  of  her  legions 
into  Central  Asia.  It  is  not 
a little  thing  to  record  on  the  pages  of  history, 
that  of  all  the  people  of  antiquity,  the  only  races 
that  checked  the  advance  of  Rome  were  those  which 
sprung  on  Persian  soil. 

Phraates,  subsequent  to  these  events,  was  de- 
throned by  a conspiracy  of  his  brother  Tiridates. 
He  fled  to  Touran,  or  Scythia,  of  wdiich  we  hear  so 
often  in  the  legendary  history  of  Persia.  There  he 
succeeded  in  raising  an  immense  army  of  ^artars, 
and  hurling  the  usurper  from  power,  forced  him  to 
fly  for  an  asylum  to  Rome,  where  he  endeavored  to 
induce  the  Romans  to  grant  him  assistance,  promis- 


COIN  OF  ORODES. 


i68 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


ing  important  concessions  in  return  for  such  aid.  But 
they  cautiously  declined.  Rome  had  no  more  hun- 
ger for  war  with  the  tremendous  mounted  squadrons 
of  Parthia  and  the  eagle-eyed  generals  who  manoeu- 
vred the  veterans  of  Crassus  and  Antony  out  of 
existence. 

Up  to  this  time  there  had  been  one  decided  ad- 
vantage to  Parthia  in  her  wars  with  Rome  ; she  was 
forced  by  this  formidable  foe  to  keep  up  the  vigor  of 
her  armies  and  preserve  a degree  of  internal  peace. 
The  long  period  of  tranquillity  that  now  followed 
between  the  two  empires  proved  most  disastrous  tq 
the  Asiatic  state  ; it  gave  abundant  opportunity  for 
discord  and  civil  war  ; king  after  king  arose  and  fell  ; 
the  capital  was  filled  with  the  blood  of  brothers  killing 
brothers  ; and  the  strength  of  a once  powerful  dynasty 
was  hopelessly  wasted.  Amid  this  record  of  strife 
and  confusion  we  perceive  here  and  there  a hero  or  a 
sovereign  who,  by  exceptional  virtues,  relieved  the 
monotony  of  these  dreary  events.  Among  them, 
one  of  the  most  notable  was  Vologeses  I.,  who  dis- 
tinguished himself  by  rare  mildness  and  benevolence 
toward  all  the  members  of  his  family,  and  in  the  year 
63  A.D.  conducted  a war  with  Rome  which,  with 
varying  success,  left  the  final  results  in  favor  of 
Parthia.  Later  on  the  great  Roman  emperor,  Ves- 
pasian and  Vologeses  I.  cultivated  a friendship  as 
honorable  as  it  was  rare  in  those  troublous  times. 

Half  a century  later  Trajan,  the  distinguished  gen- 
eral and  emperor  of  Rome,  invaded  the  western 
territories  of  Parthia,  and  although  that  empire  was 
now  rapidly  going  to  decay,  he  won  no  glory  in  the 


THE  PARTHIANS.  1 69 

contest,  and  retired  with  the  conviction  that  the  true 
frontier  of  Rome  in  the  East  must  ever  be  limited 
by  the  Euphrates  River.  Vologeses  II.  is  memorable 
both  for  his  death  in  148  A.D.,  at  the  great  age  of 
ninety-six,  and  the  fact  that  he  had  reigned  for  the 
almost  unexampled  period  of  seventy-one  years. 

During  the  reign  of  Vologeses  III.  her  western  ter- 
ritories were  invaded  by  Cassius,  the  Roman  consul. 
Vologeses  was  defeated  in  a great  battle,  and  Cassius 
penetrated  as  far  as  the  province  of  Babylonia,  of 
which  the  capital  was  Seleucia.  This  was  a most  flour- 
ishing city,  teeming  with  commerce  and  riches  and 
numbering  a population  of  over  four  hundred  thou- 
sand. Cassius  wantonly  gave  up  this  city  to  fire  and 
sword  and  wiped  it  out  of  existence.  The  destruc- 
tion of  Seleucia  is  one  of  those  inexcusable  deeds 
which  must  be  branded  to  all  time  as  gigantic  crimes. 

Parthia  never  recovered  from  the  results  of  her  last 
war  with  Rome ; not  that  Rome  had  become  more 
strong  herself,  but  because,  in  the  very  nature  of  the 
case,  the  dynasty  which  had  founded  the  greatness 
of  the  Parthian  empire  had  been  enervated  by  its 
successes : it  was  crumbling  to  pieces  through  the 
sheer  weakness  produced  by  luxury,  corruption,  in- 
trigue, and  civil  war.  It  is  a curious  and  extraor- 
dinary illustration  of  the  irony  of  fate  that  when 
almost  in  the  last  throes  of  dissolution  the  great  dy- 
nasty founded  by  Arsaces  four  centuries  earlier  dealt 
its  most  tremendous  blow  at  Rome,  the  hereditary 
foe.  One  of  the  last  of  the  descendants  of  Arsaces 
who  sat  on  the  throne  was  Artabanus,  who  usurped 
the  sceptre  from  his  brother  in  the  year  2 1 3 A.D.  He 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


170 

proved  to  be  a man  of  such  force  that,  coming  earlier, 
he  might  have  prolonged  the  existence  of  the  Par- 
thian dynasty  several  ages.  In  the  year  216  the  oft- 
repeated  war  with  Rome  was  renewed.  Artabanus 
had  tested  his  strength  by  crushing  several  rivals  and 
reducing  the  greater  part  of  the  empire  into  his 
power.  Macrinus,  the  Roman  emperor,  suffered  two 
crushing  defeats  from  Artabanus  and  was  obliged  to 
purchase  peace  by  actually  paying  an  indemnity  of 
50,000,000  denarii,  equal  to  $9,000,000,  to  the  great 
rival  of  Rome  almost  in  the  very  hour  when  the 
doom  of  Parthia  was  sounding  on  the  great  bell  of 
time.  The  hero  who  wrested  a war  indemnity  from 
a Roman  emperor  was  also  the  last  of  his  line.  Is 
there  any  event  more  dramatic  in  the  record  of  the 
nations ! 


XIII. 

THE  HOUSE  OF  SASSAN. 

We  now  enter  upon  a new  and  most  important 
era  in  the  history  of  Persia.  Six  centuries  have 
come  and  gone  since  Alexander  the  Great  overthrew 
the  Achemenian  dynasty  and  undertook  the  pro- 
digious task  of  establishing  a Greco-Persian  empire. 
When  his  successors,  to  whom  he  had  bequeathed 
the  duty  of  perpetuating  his  empire,  began  to  lose 
ground  and  there  was  hope  that  Persia  might  resume 
her  independence,  the  Parthians,  in  a most  unex- 
pected manner,  as  we  have  seen,  established  an  em- 
pire so  firm  and  vigorous,  that  the  original  division 
of  the  Persian  empire,  the  province  of  Persis  or  Pars, 
was  forced  to  continue  under  subjection.  Thus, 
while  undoubtedly  Persians  fought  in  the  armies  of 
the  Seleucidae  and  assisted  the  Parthians  in  their 
foreign  wars,  yet  for  a space  of  six  centuries  they 
had  formed  merely  one  of  many  provinces  of  an 
empire  which  indirectly  owed  its  birth  to  them. 

During  this  long  interval  we  hear  but  very  little  of 
Persia  proper.  We  may  gather,  however,  from  the 
records  that  the  Parthians  treated  the  Persians  with 
moderation  and  allowed  them  to  be  governed  by 
satraps  of  their  own  people  connected  with  the 


72 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


Achemenid  dynasty.  In  these  centuries  of  com- 
parative repose  the  Persians  did  not  forget  the  glory 
of  their  ancestors,  nor  the  national  religion  ; and 
they  gradually  gained  new  strength,  which  would  be 
required  when  the  decisive  hour  arrived  for  them  to 
throw  off  the  Parthian  yoke.  The  yearning  for  in- 
dependence increased  as  the  years  went  on,  for  the 
contrast  between  the  coarse  Parthians  and  the  intel- 
lectual and  refined  Persians  became  constantly  more 
evident  and  galling.  With  such  a history  behind 
them,  a proud  people  like  the  Persians  could  not 
well  endure  the  rule  of  those  they  considered  their 
inferiors,  even  though  the  chains  of  the  oppressor 
were  laid  on  lightly. 

Another  cause  arose,  as  the  years  went  on,  which 
increased  their  hatred  of  the  Parthians.  The  latter 
were  at  first  followers  of  Zoroaster,  and  Vologeses  I. 
had  ordered  a careful  collection  to  be  made  of  the 
writings  and  precepts  of  the  great  prophet  of  the 
religion  of  fire  worship.  But  latterly  the  Parthians 
had  fallen  away  from  the  strict  practice  and  belief 
in  that  faith,  and  had  become  idolaters,  one  of  the 
forms  of  this  idolatry  being  a religious  reverence 
paid  to  the  early  monarchs  of  the  Arsacidae.  The 
Persians,  being  naturally  fanatical  regarding  the 
religion  they  profess,  took  offence  at  the  religious 
practices  of  the  Parthians  ; this  was  probably  one  of 
the  reasons  that  led  them  finally  to  revolt. 

The  rise  of  the  Neo-Persian  or  new  Persian  power, 
as  it  is  sometimes  called,  was  brought  about  by 
Artaxerxes,*  the  son  of  Pabek.  To  judge  from  the 

* In  the  Zend  or  P.ersian  tongue  this  name  is  Ardeshir. 


THE  HOUSE  OF  SASSAN. 


173 


most  reliable  authorities,  he  was  the  hereditary  sa- 
trap of  Persia,  and  descended  from  Sassan,  who 
was  a scion  of  the  Achemenian  dynasty.  There  is 
nothing  incredible  in  this  statement,  although  some 
modern  historians  profess  to  consider  it  very  unlikely 
that  the  record  of  such  descent  could  have  been  kept 
through  so  many  centuries.  But  Orientals  give  much 
attention  to  this  very  subject  of  lineage,  and  some- 
times extend  the  record  to 
the  lineage  of  their  favorite 
horses. 

It  is  said  that  Artaxerxes, 
when  he  discerned  the 
weakness  of  Parthia  and 
the  impatience  of  the  Per- 
sians, was  fortified  in  his 
purpose  by  secretly  hearing 
that  Artabanus,  the  king  of 
Parthia,  had  discovered  by 
divination  the  approaching 
downfall  of  his  dynasty. 

The  insurrection  began  by  declaring  the  inde- 
pendence of  Persis.  Artaxerxes  then  proceeded 
to  the  conquest  of  Carmania,  now  called  Kerman, 
and  gradually  carried  his  arms  into  Media.  Arta- 
banus was  at  last  aroused  by  these  movements 
to  offer  determined  resistance.  He  was  defeated  in 
two  battles.  Parthia  was  not,  however,  so  reduced 
but  that  she  could  bring  another  large  army  into  the 
field.  The  decisive  conflict  occurred,  by  previous 
appointment,  it  is  said,  at  Hormuz,  in  the  southwest- 
ern part  of  the  present  kingdom  of  Persia,  May  28th 


74 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


of  the  year  227  A.D.  The  contest  was  doubtful,  and 
was  finally  decided  in  favor  of  Artaxerxes  by  the 
defection  of  the  Persians  who  were  in  the  Parthian 
army.  Artabanus  was  slain,  and  Persia  became  once 
more  a great  and  commanding  power  in  the  world. 

Artaxerxes,  or  Ardeshir,  found  himself  engaged  in 
the  beginning  of  his  reign  in  a war  with  Rome,  which 
now  discovered  that  by  the  transfer  of  the  sceptre  of 
Western  and  Central  Asia  from  the  Parthians  to  the 
Persians  she  was  farther  than  ever  from  pushing  her 
conquests  eastward,  or  even  holding  the  possessions 
she  already  claimed  beyond  the  Mediterranean. 
Nothing  impresses  one  more  in  considering  the  rise 
of  dynasties  and  kingdoms  in  Persia  than  the  amaz- 
ing energy  and  ability  displayed  by  their  founders, 
and  often  by  their  immediate  successors.  We  find  a 
counterpart  to  it  in  Europe. only  rarely,  as  in  the 
case  of  Charlemagne  or  Napoleon. 

Alexander  Severus,  the  Roman  emperor,  was 
obliged  to  retire  in  disgrace  before  the  armies  of  the 
new  Asiatic  power.  Armenia,  which  had  sought  aid 
from  Rome  and  was  ruled  by  Chosroes,  of  the  Par- 
thian line,  was  brought  under  subjection,  and  Arta- 
xerxes now  found  himself  at  the  head  of  an  empire 
equal  to  that  of  the  Parthians  in  their  prime. 

Feeling  firmly  established  on  the  throne,  Arta- 
xerxes devoted  his  attention  to  the  reformation  and 
strengthening  of  the  national  religion.  He  caused 
the  idols  of  the  Parthians  to  be  destroyed,  and  or- 
dered a general  restoration  of  the  doctrines  of 
Zoroaster  throughout  the  empire.  The  more 
readily  to  accomplish  this  purpose,  the  king  col- 


THE  HOUSE  OF  SASSAN. 


175 


lected  the  magi  or  priesthood  of  Zoroastrianism  at 
Persepolis,  or  Ishtakr,  once  more  the  capital  of 
Persia.  The  magi  formed  a large  and  distinct  class. 
They  assembled  on  this  occasion  to  the  number  of 
forty  thousand,  it  is  said.  They  were  required  to 
choose  from  their  number  the  most  w'orthy  ; they 
in  turn  selected  the  wisest  and  most  learned  and 
the  most  pious,  until  the  number  was  reduced  from 
four  thousand  to  four  hundred,  from  four  hundred 
to  forty,  and  from  forty  to  seven.  The  seven  de- 
cided that  A r d a 
Viraf,  a young  priest 
of  high  repute  for 
sanctity,  was  above 
them  all  as  the  rep- 
resentative of  their 
religion. 

Arda  Viraf  now 
bathed  himself  in 
the  most  careful 
manner,  and  after 
drinking  a powerful 

narcotic,  laid  down  to  sleep  wrapped  in  pure  white 
linen.  Seven  of  the  first  nobles  of  the  land  watched 
beside  him  while  he  slept.  At  the  end  of  seven  days 
and  nights  he  awoke  and  began  to  recite  his  inter- 
pretation of  the  faith  of  Oromasdao,  or  Ormuzd. 

This  is  the  record  given  by  Persian  historians  of 
the  way  by  which  the  books  of  the  Zendavesta 
were  reduced  to  writing. 

Although,  perhaps,  this  account  is  highly  colored 
in  the  Oriental  style,  yet  it  is  certain  that  in  the  time 


ORMUZD. 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


176 

and  by  the  order  of  Artaxerxes,  the  founder  of  the 
Sassanian  dynasty,  the  Zendavesta  was  published 
in  written  form  by  Arda  Viraf,  the  high  priest  of 
Persia.  Although  but  few  of  the  followers  of  this 
religion  now  remain,  yet  the  very  fact  of  their  ex- 
istence to  the  present  time  as  a small  but  highly 
intelligent  and  respectable  sect,  both  in  Persia  and 
India,  gives  very  great  interest  to  the  question  of 
what  is  the  faith  established  by  Zoroaster  nearly 
three  thousand  years  ago. 

The  Zendavesta  was  originally  composed  in  the 
pure  Persian  tongue  called  the  Zend,  a branch  of  the 
Sanscrit.  But  at  that  time  the  Persian  language  had 
gone  through  the  changes  which  affect  all  tongues 
with  the  lapse  of  ages.  The  difference  we  see  be- 
tween the  English  language  of  the  present  day  and 
that  of  so  recent  a period  as  that  of  Chaucer,  affords 
a familiar  example.  When  Persia  resumed  her  in- 
dependence, the  Zend  had  become  incomprehensible 
except  to  scholars,  and  the  name  then  given  to  the 
spoken  language  of  Persia  was  Pehlevee.  Artaxer- 
xes therefore  caused  a translation  of  the  Zendavesta 
to  be  made  into  Pehlevee.  It  may  be  added  that 
the  ceremonial  duties  connected  with  Zoroastrianism 
were  numerous,  and  to  any  but  an  Oriental  people 
exceedingly  burdensome. 

In  order  more  thoroughly  to  carry  out  one  of  the 
purposes  which  Artaxerxes  had  in  view  in  throwing 
off  the  Parthian  yoke,  the  re-establishment  of  the 
religion  of  Zoroaster,  he  now  distinctly  associated 
the  clergy  with  the  government.  Never  has  the 
combination  of  church  and  state  been  more  em- 


THE  HOUSE  OF  SASSAN. 


17; 


phatically  and  authoritatively  laid  down  as  a princi- 
ple. Persecution  of  those  who  opposed  the  magi 
and  their  teachings  was  not  only  permitted,  but 
proclaimed  as  one  of  the  arms  of  Persian  law.  In  a 
very  short  period  the  edicts  of  Artaxerxes  against  any 
other  than  the  state  religion  resulted  in  the  closing 
of  every  place  of  worship  in  his  dominions,  except 
those  of  the  fire-worshippers.  It  must,  we  fear,  be 
admitted  that  the  example  of  the  Christians  of  the 
early  church  acts  as  a palliation  of  this  intolerance 
of  the  Zoroastrians ; for  almost  from  the  outset, 
intolerance  of  any  belief  but  their  own  has  been  the 
practice  of  the  various  Christian  sects,  enforced,  as 
we  know,  for  many  ages  by  fire  and  torture  and  the 
sword.  Human  nature  seems  to  be  pretty  much  the 
same  everywhere,  in  spite  of  the  teachings  of  reli- 
gion. Doubtless  in  the  early  periods  of  a nation’s 
career  religious  intolerance  added  to  the  association 
of  church  and  state  are  elements  of  strength  ; but 
in  the  end  nothing  more  surely  saps  the  vigor  of  a 
state  and  brings  it  to  premature  decay. 

In  order  still  further  to  display  the  religious  char- 
acter of  the  Persian  revolution,  Artaxerxes  caused  an 
altar  with  fires  to  be  stamped  on  the  reverse  side  of 
his  coins,  with  a priest  standing  on  each  side.  This 
design  was  continued  on  all  the  future  coinage  of  the 
Sassanian  dynasty. 

Artaxerxes  continued  the  general  form  of  govern- 
ment which  had  been  established  by  Darius  the  First, 
and  which  has  been  perpetuated  with  little  change 
to  the  present  day.  The  provinces  were  under  the 
rule  of  satraps.  When  a separate  people,  as  in  the 


178 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


case  of  Armenia,  had  a royal  house  of  its  own,  he 
permitted  it  to  continue  in  power,  although  tribu- 
tary to  Persia  and  furnishing  troops  and  money.  It 
was  the  latter  circumstance  which  caused  a Persian 
monarch  to  style  himself  king  of  kings.  Artaxerxes 
also  established  a regular  army.  It  was  a saying  of 
his : “ There  can  be  no  power  without  an  army,  no 
army  without  money,  no  money  without  agriculture, 
and  no  agriculture  without  justice.”  On  the  whole 
the  founder  of  the  Neo-Persian  monarchy  was  a man 
of  large  sense  and  farsighted  views. 

Some  of  the  last  words  of  Artaxerxes  to  his  son 
Sapor,  Avere  : “ Never  forget  that  as  a king  you  are  the 
protector  of  your  religion  and  your  country  . 

You  should  be  an  example  of  piety  and  virtue,  but 
without  pride  or  ostentation.  . . . Remember, 

my  son,  that  the  fate  of  the  nation  depends  on  the 
conduct  of  the  individual  who  sits  on  the  throne. 
. . . Learn  to  meet  the  frowns  of  destiny  with 

courage  and  fortitude,  and  to  receive  her  smiles  with 
moderation  and  wisdom.  . . . May  your  admin- 

istration be  such  as  to  bring  the  blessings  of  those 
whom  God  has  confided  to  our  parental  care.”  * 

According  to  the  records  of  Persian  historians, 
Artaxerxes  delegated  the  government  to  his  son 
some  time  before  his  death,  and  sought  in  retirement 
repose  and  opportunity  for  religious  reflection. 
There  is  a sculpture  design  on  the  rocks  at  Tacht-i- 
Bostan  which  seems  to  confirm  this  fact,  for  it  repre- 
sents Artaxerxes  presenting  the  royal  diadem  to 
Sapor,  while  Ormuzd,  the  benevolent  ruler  of  the 
universe,  looks  on  approvingly. 

* This  translation  is  quoted  from  Rawlinson. 


I 


RUINS  OF  A CASTLE  OF  THE  FIRE-WORSHIPPERS  IN  THE  SOUTH  OF  PERSIA. 


XIV. 

SAPOR  I. 

Artaxerxes,  the  first  of  the  Sassanians,  died 
in  240  A.D.  He  was  succeeded  by  Shapooree,  or,  as  he 
is  known  through  the  Latin  and  Greek  historians, 
Sapor.  He  was  a worthy  scion  of  a great  father, 
and  by  his  administrative  and  military  talents  left  a 
name  that  ranks  with  the  foremost  sovereigns  of  the 
East.  It  must  be  allowed  that,  like  most  of  the  mon- 
archs  of  that  age  and  country,  some  of  his  actions 
would  perhaps  not  be  approved  in  our  day.  But  every 
land  and  age  has  its  own  standard,  and  it  is  only  fair 
to  judge  of  all  by  the  code  of  morality  under  which 
they  have  been  reared. 

At  the  outset  of  his  reign  Sapor  was  forced  to  take 
up  arms  in  order  to  quell  the  rebellion  of  the  city  and 
province  of  Hatra,  between  the  Euphrates  and  Ti- 
gris. The  city  was  practically  impregnable,  as  well 
by  the  character  of  its  inhabitants  as  the  tremendous 
strength  of  its  walls.  Manizen,  the  chieftain  of  Ha- 
tra, had  a daughter,  urged  by  a violent  ambition, — a 
dangerous  thing  in  a woman  without  high  moral 
character.  She  intimated  to  Sapor  that  to  be  queen 
of  Persia  she  would  betray  her  father  into  his  hands. 
She  carried  out  her  side  of  the  compact ; but  when  ' 

180 


SAPOR  I. 


i8i 


Sapor  came  into  possession  of  Hatra,  instead  of 
marrying  the  traitoress  he  ordered  her  to  be  exe- 
cuted. 

About  the  year  241  Sapor  decided  that  a conven- 
ient time  had  come  to  renew  hostilities  with  Rome. 
Gordian  was  at  this  time  emperor.  The  chief  object 
of  Sapor  was  to  strengthen  his  western  frontier,  or, 
according  to  modern  diplomatic  phrase,  “ to  rectify 
his  frontier,”  by  the  seizure  of  several  important  for- 
tified cities.  Of  these,  Nisibis  was  perhaps  the  chief, 
affording  to  Rome  a key  by  which  she  could  enter 
the  territories  of  Persia.  The  first  movement  of  the 
Persian  campaign  was  to  lay  siege  to  this  fortress. 
The  Persians,  in  most  respects  admirable . soldiers  in 
their  best  days,  were  deficient  in  a knowledge  of 
siege  operations,  and  Nisibis  made  an  obstinate  re- 
sistance. At  last  a breach  was  effected,  and  the 
place  surrendered. 

But  the  Romans  were  not  idle,  and  Gordian  was 
assisted  by  Timesitheus,  who  defeated  Sapor  in  a 
great  battle  at  Resaina,  and  recovered  Nisibis.  The 
untimely  death  of  Timesitheus  and  the  murder  of 
Gordian  once  more  turned  the  tide,  and  a peace  was 
concluded  giving  equal  advantages  to  both  contest- 
ants. During  part  of  the  interval  of  fourteen  years 
which  followed,  Sapor  was  engaged  in  wars  with  the 
hereditary  foes  in  Touran  , and  Bactria,  which  had 
been  subdued  by  the  Arsacidae,  revolted,  and  seems 
to  have  permanently  secured  its  independence. 

In  the  year  258  the  Persian  king  felt  that  he  could 
best  counterbalance  his  losses  in  the  East  by  taking 
advantage  of  the  disturbances  which  for  some  time 


i82 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


had  racked  the  Roman  empire,  and  once  more  the 
diamond-studded  leathern  apron  of  the  blacksmith 
was  placed  at  the  head  of  a Persian  host  marching  to 
attack  the  strongholds  and  mailed  legions  of  Rome. 
The  two  great  fortresses  of  Edessa  and  Nisibis  fell. 
Valerian  was  emperor  when  Persia  renewed  hostili- 
ties. Whether  treachery  brought  about  the  final  re- 
sult is  uncertain,  but,  at  any  rate.  Sapor  succeeded 
in  forcing  Valerian  into  a position  where  he  was 
obliged  to  surrender  with  his  entire  army. 

This  tremendous  event  is  one  of  the  most  remark- 
able in  the  long  history  of  Persia,  which  is  emblaz- 
oned with  so  many  brilliant  deeds.  It  was  followed 
by  the  capture  of  Antioch  and  Caesarea  Mazaca,  the 
most  important  city  in  Asia  Minor.  Sapor  overran 
all  the  Roman  possessions  in  Asia,  and  like  the 
“ scourge  of  God,”  marked  the  path  of  his  army 
with  fire  and  blood.  The  return  of  the  victorious 
army  was,  however,  harassed  by  the  flying  squadrons 
of  Odenathus,  the  king  of  Palmyra  and  husband  of 
the  famous  Zenobia.  Odenathus  had  under  his 
command  the  trained  horsemen  of  the  desert,  and 
for  a time  was  able  to  maintain  Palmyra  as  an  in- 
dependent government.  But  after  his  death  the  em- 
peror, Aurelian,  besieged  the  superb  capital  of  the 
desert,  and  Zenobia  was  led  a captive  to  Rome. 
The  ranks  of  columns  which  still  rise  above  the 
plains,  called  Tadmor  in  the  Desert,  attest  in  our 
time  to  the  splendor  of  the  brief-lived  kingdom  of 
Palmyra. 

Valerian  was  taken  a prisoner  to  Persia,  where  he 
remained  until  he  died.  There  is  no  good  reason  to 


SAPOR  /. 


183 


doubt  that  he  was  treated  with  clemency  and  a cer- 
tain degree  of  honor  during  his  captivity.  But  after 
his  death  his  skin  was  removed  and  preserved  as  a 
trophy.  The  Romans  made  no  serious  attempt  to 
avenge  the  terrible  disaster  of  Valerian. 

The  remaining  years  of  Sapor  were  devoted  to 
cultivating  the  arts  of  peace  and  promoting  the  wel-  ‘ 
fare  of  his  empire.  He  founded  a great  city  in  Pars 
or  Persis,  which  was  named  after  him, — Shapoor. 
The  ruins  which  still  remain  there,  suggest  its  grand- 
eur, as  well  as  the  progress 
made  by  Persia  at  this  period 
in  the  arts.  The  ruins  of  Per- 
sepolis  indicate  clearly  that  in 
the  Achemenian  period  Persia 
had  reached  a high  degree  of 
excellence  in  architecture  and 
sculpture,  and  most  likely  in 
other  arts  as  well.  But  during 
the  Parthian  rule  little  seems 
to  have  been  done  to  develop 
the  great  artistic  genius  of  the 
Persian  race.  The  rise  once  more  of  a genuine  Aryo- 
Persian  dynasty  again  offered  the  opportunity  for 
the  expression  of  the  native  taste  for  the  beautiful. 
It  is  probably  to  this  period  that  we  may  assign  the 
commencement  of  the  school  of  architecture  and 
decoration  which,  borrowed  from  the  Persians  at  a 
later  date  by  the  Arabs,  and  by  them  carried  to 
Syria,  Egypt,  and  Spain,  has  been  called  by  Euro- 
peans Saracenic.  According  to  a usage  common  in 
all  ages  to  the  monarchs  of  Persia,  Sapor  illustrated 


HEAD  OF  SAPOR  I. — 
FROM  A GEM. 


184 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


and  recorded  some  of  the  chief  incidents  of  his  reign 
by  rock  sculptures. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  of  these  colossal  his- 
toric sculptures  represents  Sapor  and  the  conquest 
of  Valerian.  Sapor  is  on  horseback  ; kneeling  be- 
fore him  is  the  captive  emperor,  and  the  Roman 
army  is  typified  by  seventeen  figures  ranged  behind 
him  on  foot.  The  Persian  monarch  is  supported  by 
ten  horsemen,  representing  the  terrible  cavalry  that 
was  instrumental  in  winning  the  victories  of  Persia. 
Another  most  impressive  sculpture  commemorating 
the  same  important  event  includes  not  less  than 
ninety-seven  colossal  figures.  Many  other  historic 
sculptures  were  set  up  by  Sapor  at  Persepolis,  Dar- 
abgerd,  and  elsewhere  in  Southern  Persia.  These 
sculptures  are  sometimes  accompanied  by  inscriptive 
tablets  in  Greek  and  Pehlevee.  Sapor  still  further 
illustrated  his  genius  by  the  construction  of  numer- 
ous public  works,  intended  to  add  to  the  improve- 
ment of  the  country.  Of  these,  one  of  the  most  im- 
portant, which  is  still  in  existence,  was  a great  dyke 
across  the  river  Karoon,  at  Shuster,  no  less  than 
twenty  feet  wide  and  twelve  hundred  feet  long.  It 
is  built  of  solid  hewn  masonry. 

The  arts  of  Persia  received  great  impulse  during 
the  reign  of  Sapor  from  a remarkable  source.  The 
Persian  race  from  the  earliest  period  to  the  present 
day  has  been  inclined  to  mysticism  and  speculation 
in  matters  of  philosophy  and  religion.  Whatever  be 
the  prevailing  creed  of  the  country,  it  has  been  as- 
sailed by  numerous  sects  differing  from  it  in  more  or 
less  degree.  During  the  reign  of  the  first  Sassan- 


SAPOR  1. 


185 


idae,  the  early  Christian  church  extended  its  influ- 
ence in  all  directions,  and  made  many  converts 
in  the  Persian  dominions.  This,  of  course,  tended 
to  increase  the  great  intellectual  activity  of  Persia  in 
that  period,  and  added  to  the  problems  which  Sapor 
was  forced  to  consider.  The  introduction  of  Christi- 
anity into  the  empire  at  a time  when  every  effort 
was  exerted  to  revive  and  reform  the  worship  of  the 
fire  creed,  was  a serious  question.  Matters  were  not 
improved  when  a third  element  of  discord  was  intro- 
duced by  a prophet  who  set  himself  up  as  the 
founder  of  a new  religion,  which,  after  its  founder, 
has  been  called  Manichaeism.” 

Manee  was  born  in  Persia  about  the  year  240,  A.D. 
He  had  a broad,  unprejudiced  mind,  strong  force  of 
character,  and  great  versatility,  qualities  which  led 
him  to  formulate  a religious  system  which  not  only 
aroused  apprehension  among  the  followers  of  Zoro- 
aster, but  convulsed  the  entire  Christian  world.  His 
views  were  looked  on  as  dangerous  and  impossible 
at  that  period,  but  in  our  time  a wider  tolerance  and 
a truer  insight  into  the  relative  value  of  the  world’s 
creeds  and  religions,  leads  us  to  admire  the  grandeur 
of  the  religious  system  of  Manee,  even  if  we  are 
unable  to  accept  it  as  practical  while  men  continue 
to  be  what  they  are. 

Manee  had  profoundly  studied  the  Magian  doc- 
trines of  Ormuzd  and  Ahriman,  the  Levitical  ordi- 
nances of  the  Jews,  the  mysterious  question  of  the 
Christian  Trinity,  and  the  remarkable  system  of  Sakya 
Moonee,  called  Buddhism.  For  a time  Manee  ac- 
cepted Christianity  and  received  holy  orders.  But 


i86 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


the  nature  of  his  mind  made  it  difficult  to  subscribe 
to  any  one  creed.  He  saw  that  all  the  great  religions 
of  the  world  contained  a share  of  truth  mixed  with 
error,  and  that  the  principles  of  morality  were  com- 
mon to  all.  It  occurred  to  him  to  combine  in  one 
universal  creed  the  essential  truths  of  these  leading 
religions.  So  far  the  scheme  showed  good  sense,  and 
was  in  harmony  with  the  tendency  of  our  time  to 
abolish  sectarianism  and  at  least  to  acknowledge  the 
element  of  truth  which  is  common  to  the  great 
religions  of  the  world. 

But  Manee  went  a step  further.  He  avowed  him- 
self to  be  the  Paraclete  or  Comforter  foretold  by  the 
Saviour,  and  composed  a gospel  which  he  called  the 
Ertang,  which  was  illustrated  by  pictures  drawn  by  his 
own  hand  ; he  claimed  that  the  Ertang  should  take 
precedence  of  the  New  Testament.  It  was  this  false 
move  that  really  led  to  the  violent  opposition  which 
the  Christian  church  displayed  towards  the  Persian 
prophet.  The  plausibility  of  his  doctrines  proved 
so  fascinating,  however,  both  to  Zoroastrians  and 
Christians,  that  Sapor  was  impelled  by  the  Magians 
to  expel  him  from  Persia,  on  pain  of  the  extreme 
penalties  which  the  laws  of  that  country  then  visited 
upon  those  who  attempted  to  proselyte  the  fire-wor- 
shippers. 

IManee,  being  forced  to  fly,  proceeded  as  far  as 
China,  where  he  remained  for  a number  of  years. 
Finding  no  field  for  the  spread  of  his  religious  doc- 
trines among  the  people  of  the  Celestial  Kingdom, 
he  devoted  his  attention  to  cultivating  another  side 
of  his  versatile  nature.  Manee  was  possessed  of 


ROCK  SCULPTURE  NEAR  SHAPOOR,  REPRESENTING  THE  CAPTURE  OF  VALERIAN. 


i88 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


a strong  love  for  the  fine  arts,  and  he  now  gave  care- 
ful attention  to  the  study  of  Chinese  art,  which  at 
that  early  period  had  already  exhibited  the  originali- 
ty and  beauty  which  we  associate  with  it ; it  is  what 
is  called  decorative  art,  and  is  particularly  rich -in  the 
rendering  of  effects  of  color.  We  have  no  means  of 
knowing  what  were  the  artistic  talents  of  Manee  ; but 
we  do  know  that  he  was  able  to  appreciate  whatever 
was  beautiful  in  art,  and  when,  after  some  years,  he 
ventured  to  return  to  his  native  land,  he  brought 
with  him  numerous  examples  of  the  art  of  China. 
But  he  did  not  long  survive  his  return,  for  he  fell  a 
victim  to  the  intolerance  of  the  age,  and  was  put 
to  death  by  the  command  of  Varahnes  I. 

Manee  must  always  live  in  remembrance,  however, 
not  only  as  the  founder  of  a great  religious  sect,  but 
as  one  to  whom  Persia  owes  a great  debt  for  the  vast 
impulse  he  imparted  to  the  progress  of  the  arts  in 
that  country  when  he  returned  from  China.  The 
Persians,  like  all  great  races,  know  how  to  borrow 
ideas,  or  at  least  gain  intellectual  inspiration,  from 
the  arts  of  other  art  races.  The  Greeks  and  the 
Romans  did  the  same — in  fact,  it  will  be  found  that 
nearly  all  national  arts  were  first  inspired  by  foreign 
ideas.  But,  like  the  Greeks,  the  Persians  had  such 
artistic  talent  of  their  own  that  they  very  soon  gave 
a national  character  to  what  they  had  borrowed  ; 
just  as  when  their  victorious  kings  put  their  own 
stamp  upon  the  gold  that  they  captured  from  the 
enemy.  The  impulse  given  to  Persian  art  by  Manee, 
at  a period  when  the  government  was  ready  to  en- 
courage its  growth,  was  incalculable,  and  may  be 


SAPOR  /. 


189 

said  to  be  felt  even  to  the  present  day.  We  know 
that  soon  after  occurred  a great  revival  in  the  deco- 
rative arts  of  embroidery  in 
Persia,  and  that  carpets  of 
silk  and  of  wool,  of  great 
beauty  of  design  and  exquis- 
ite texture,  were  made  in  that 
country,  which  has  ever  since 
that  period  been  famous  for 
its  textile  fabrics  and  fine 
needle-work.  Sapor,  as  a 
patron  of  art,  aided  the  im- 
pulse given  to  it  by  Manee, 
by  importing  artists  from 
Greece  and  Byzantium. 

Sapor  I.  died  in  271,  after 
a reign  of  thirty-one  years. 

He  is  said  to  have  been  a 
man  of  handsome  presence 
and  great  personal  courage. 

What  we  do  know  is  that  he 
was  an  excellent  soldier,  and  a sapor  i. — from  a Persian 

SCULPTURE. 

patriotic  sovereign  who  left 

behind  him  the  record  of  being  a benefactor  to  his 
people,  and  one  of  the  ablest  monarchs  who  has 
occupied  the  throne  of  Persia. 


PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  REIGN  OF  SAPOR  II. 


The  energies  of  the  Sassanian  dynasty  seemed  for 
a time  to  reach  their  limit  after  the  death  of  Sapor  I. 
His  successors  for  several  reigns  were  either  weak 
and  unfortunate  or  men  of  merely  average  ability. 
The  corruption  and  reaction  which  follow  after  great 
effort  combined  with  the  gain  of  wealth  and  power 
now  showed  itself  for  several  generations  in  the  char- 
acter of  the  sovereigns  of  Persia.  Hormisdas,  or  Hor- 
muz, a son  of  Sapor,  succeeded  his  father,  and  seems 
to  have  been  a man  of  amiable  disposition.  During 
his  reign  Manee  returned  to  Persia,  and  was  at  first 
received  graciously.  A castle  was  presented  to  him, 
and  there  he  proceeded  to  organize  a great  sect, 
called  after  him  Manichsean.  But  when,  in  the  year 
272,  Varahnes  I.,  or  Bahram,  came  to  the  throne  he 
caused  Manee  to  be  seized  and  flayed  alive.  The 
skin  of  the  unfortunate  prophet  was  suspended, 
stuffed  with  straw,  over  a gate  in  the  city  of  Sha- 
poor,  a warning  to  all  who  dared  to  promulgate 
doctrines  differing  from  those  of  the  established 
religion  of  Persia. 

It  is  singular  that  there  is  no  clear  record  of  the 
entire  period  that  elapsed  between  the  death  of 

I go 


PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  REIGN  OF  SAPOR  II.  I9I 

Sapor  I.  and  the  reign  of  Sapor  II.  For  example, 
we  may  infer,  but  have  no  precise  proof,  that  Hor- 
misdas  II.  had  a son  who  incurred  the  resentment  of 
the  nobles  and  was  by  them  imprisoned  on  the  death 
of  his  father  and  deprived  of  the  succession.  The 
election  of  a monarch  by  the  nobles  is  a form  which 
has  existed  in  that  country,  although  in  most  cases 
it  has  been  only  a form,  by  which  the  people  seem  to 
approve  the  succession  of  the  crown  prince.  But  in 
this  instance  the  nobles  of  Persia  showed  their  power, 
by  combining  to  exclude  the  oldest  son  of  Hormisdas 
and  give  the  crown  to  an  infant  son  of  that  monarch 
born  several  months  after  the  death  of  his  father. 

Immediately  on  his  birth  the  infant  was  elected 
king  with  the  name  of  Sapor  II.  He  was  born  in 
the  year  309,  and  reigned  from  the  cradle  to  the 
grave,  over  a period  of  seventy-two  years.  During 
this  long  space  of  three  quarters  of  a century  ten 
emperors  succeeded  each  other  as  rulers  of  the 
Roman  empire. 

When  we  consider  the  circumstances  surrounding 
the  early  years  of  Sapor  II.  and  what  obstacles  he 
overcame  during  his  long  career,  we  are  bound  to 
allow  that  he  was  a man  possessed  of  extraordinary 
ability  for  government  and  war.  A succession  of 
feeble  monarchs  had  weakened  the  power  bequeath- 
ed them  by  the  founders  of  the  Sassanian  dynasty. 
The  fact  that  a boy  was  king,  counselled  by  a re- 
gency of  nobles  of  very  ordinary  talents,  only  aggra- 
vated the  condition  of  the  empire.  Insurrections  at 
home  and  frequent  invasions  over  the  border  de- 
voured the  resources  of  Persia,  and  it  seemed  only 


lg2  7' HE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

a question  of  time  when  the  great  empire  would  fall 
to  pieces  from  the  lack  of  a strong  arm  to  guide  its 
destinies. 

As  if  conscious  of  the  career  that  was  before  him, 
the  youthful  king  early  devoted  himself  to  athletic 
exercises,  in  which  he  excelled,  and  to  study  of  the 
arts  of  governing  and  of  war.  As  he  approached 
manhood  he  seized  the  reins  of  government  with  a 
vigor  that  soon  informed  his  vassals  and  enemies 
that  a master  hand  was  again  at  the  helm.  At 
the  age  of  sixteen  Sapor  II.  freed  himself  from  the 
dictation  of  the  regency  and  took  personal  command 
of  his  armies.  From  the  first,  victory  attended  his 
arms,  invaders  were  driven  back,  and  the  foes  who 
had  preyed  on  the  vitals  of  Persia  soon  learned  to 
quail  before  the  terrible  and  irresistible  genius  of  a 
mere  youth.  It  is  rare  indeed  that  such  examples  of 
precociousness  are  found  on  record,  followed  as  it 
was  by  a vigor  that  never  failed  until  death  quenched 
its  fire. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-eight  Sapor  had  restored  the  . 
Persian  empire  to  its  wonted  state  of  tranquillity  and 
power.  He  had  tested  the  force  of  his  genius  and 
was  ready  to  renew  hostilities  with  the  Roman  em- 
pire. A pretext  for  proclaiming  war  he  found  in  the 
haughty  remonstrances  of  Constantine  the  Great,  who 
had  embraced  Christianity  and  zealously  sought  to 
protect  the  Christian  subjects  of  Persia  from  the 
fierce  persecution  waged  against  them  by  Sapor  II., 
who,  whatever  his  other  virtues,  was  of  a stern  and 
sanguinary  disposition. 

The  great  war  which  now  opened  between  the 


PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  REIGN  OF  SAPOR  II.  1 93 

rival  empires  lasted  for  twenty-seven  years.  While 
fortune,  with  her  proverbial  caprice,  perched  some- 
times on  one  banner  and  sometimes  on  the  other, 
yet,  on  the  whole,  the  results  were  largely  in  favor 
of  Persia ; while  often  defeating  the  enemy,  and 
causing  the  death  of  a Roman  emperor  in  battle. 
Sapor,  when  commanding  in  person,  never  lost  a bat- 
tle during  the  entire  war.  The  chief  events  of  this 
protracted  conflict  were  the  three  sieges  of  Nisibis, 
which  failed,  although  Sapor  obtained  it  finally  by 
the  negotiations  following  the  overthrow  of  Julian; 
the  great  victory  of  Singara,  won  over  the  Roman 
army  commanded  by  the  Emperor  Constantine ; 
the  capture  of  Armida ; the  defeat  of  the  Emperor 
Julian;  and  the  disgraceful  peace  by  which  Jovian, 
his  successor,  purchased  the  escape  of  the  Roman 
legions  from  the  grip  of  the  Persian  host  com- 
manded by  Sapor.  In  all  these  operations  we  dis- 
cover in  this  military  monarch  immense  determina- 
tion, fortitude  and  courage,  daring  tempered  by 
caution,  skill  in  conducting  a campaign  and  ma- 
noeuvring an  army  on  the  battle-field,  and  a cruel- 
ty tempered  by  good  faith  in  the  keeping  of  com- 
pacts with  the  enemy — altogether  a character  to 
command  our  respect  and  often  our  admiration. 

The  event  for  which  Sapor  II.  will  probably  be 
most  remembered  by  Christian  nations  was  the  over- 
throw of  Julian.  This  emperor  won  the  abhorrence 
of  Christians  for  abandoning  Christianity,  and  en- 
deavoring to  restore  the  Paganism  of  the  Greeks 
after  it  had  been  officially  abolished  by  the  con- 
version of  Constantine.  By  the  Christians  Julian 


194  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

received  the  hateful  epithet  of  Apostate.  But  an 
impartial  examination  into  his  case  enables  us  more 
easily  to  render  justice  to  a man  who,  if  mistaken  in 
his  efforts  to  restore  the  dead  past,  was  at  least  sin- 
cere, and  deserves  praise  for  his  lofty  character  and 
genius. 

It  was,  perhaps,  too  much  to  expect  that  one  who 
had  been  steeped  in  the  learning  of  the  Greeks,  and 
who  had  studied  their  paganism  in  the  elevated  pages 
of  Homer  and  Socrates,  Plato  and  Aristotle,  should 
accept,  as  a matter  of  course,  the  doctrines  of  Chris- 
tianity, which  were  until  recently  unacceptable  to  a 
very  large  number  of  his  subjects.  Julian  was  a 
scholar  and  a philosopher ; he  was  also  a great 
general  who  would  have  gained  a permanent  place 
in  history  even  if  he  had  never  undertaken  to  sup- 
plant the  cross  by  a revival  of  a refined  paganism. 
Until  recently  Christian  historians  have  failed  to 
render  justice  to  the  emperor  Julian. 

After  conducting  several  severe  campaigns  with 
great  success  in  the  north  of  Europe,  Julian  was 
called  to  the  throne  of  the  Roman  empire,  and  im- 
mediately made  preparations  on  a colossal  scale  for 
the  invasion  of  Persia. 

The  dispositions  made  by  Sapor  to  meet  the  most 
formidable  expedition  which  had  yet  been  under- 
taken against  Persia,  were  of  a nature  to  indicate 
the  hand  of  a master,  showing  courage  tempered  by 
caution,  a clear  knowledge  of  the  danger  which  threat- 
ened him,  and  careful  preparations  to  meet  it  success- 
fully. When  Julian  was  at  Antioch  massing  his 
forces  for  the  campaign,  the  Persian  king  sent  an 


PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  REIGN  OF  SAPOR  II.  1 95 

embassy  suggesting  in  respectful  terms  that  a peace 
be  concluded,  leaving  to  each  state  the  limits  it  then 
occupied.  Julian  haughtily  replied  that  Sapor  might 
have  saved  himself  the  trouble  of  sending  an  embassy, 
as  he  proposed  to  treat  with  him  in  person  in  a short 
time.  The  Roman  emperor,  while  well  aware  of  the 
power  of  his  rival,  overestimated  his  own  qualifica- 


PERSIAN  CAVALRYMAN. — FROM  AN  ANCIENT  SCULPTURE. 


tions  ; the  same  arrogance,  which  was  born  of  a de- 
sire to  imitate  Alexander  the  Great,  led  him  also  to 
offend  Arsaces,  King  of  Armenia,  who  was  an  ally  of 
Rome.  The  Armenians,  newly  converted  to  Chris- 
tianity, were  deeply  affronted  by  the  insults  offered 
to  their  religion  by  the  Roman  emperor,  while  their 
sovereign  resented  the  lofty  tone  with  which  Julian 


196 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


commanded  him  to  furnish  thirty  thousand  troops 
for  the  expedition.  As  the  plan  of  the  campaign 
made  it  necessary  for  Julian  to  preserve  the  friend- 
ship of  Armenia,  the  course  taken  by  him  was  im- 
prudent in  the  highest  degree. 

On  the  other  hand,  Sapor,  although  victorious  in 
so  many  conflicts  with  the  Romans,  and  sure  of  the 
veterans  who  composed  his  army,  acted  with  the 
greatest  prudence,  holding  himself  in  check  and 
calmly  waiting  for  events  to  develop  a course  of 
action.  Only  a general  whom  experience  had  made 
justly  confident  of  his  own  powers  would  have  ven- 
tured upon  the  plans  which  Sapor  adopted  for  resist- 
ing the  advance  of  such  an  army  and  general  as  were 
now  steadily  aiming  at  the  overthrow  of  the  Persian 
empire. 

Julian  set  out  from  Antioch  for  the  Euphrates  in 
the  early  spring.  His  army  numbered  at  least  ninety- 
five  thousand  men,  of  whom  many  had  become  inured 
to  war  under  his  own  eye,  in  four  years  of  desperate 
fighting  against  the  martial  tribes  of  Germany.  A 
body  of  eighteen  thousand  men  was  detached  to  man- 
oeuvre in  Northern  Media  with  an  auxiliary  force  of 
thirty  thousand  Armenians,  distracting  the  attention 
of  Sapor  by  an  invasion  of  his  dominions  in  the 
northwest,  and  then,  marching  along  the  line  of  the 
Tigris,  rejoin  the  main  army. 

The  point  which  Julian  intended  to  reach  first 
was  Southern  Mesopotamia,  whence  the  heart  of 
Persia  could  be  easily  approached.  By  looking  at 
the  map  the  reader  may  easily  follow  the  course  se- 
lected by  Julian  for  carrying  out  his  purpose.  A 


r 


PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  REIGN  OF  SAPOR  II  19/ 

fleet  of  over  eleven  hundred  galleys,  probably  small 
flat=bottomed  boats,  was  in  readiness  on  the  Eu- 
phrates to  transport  the  siege  trains,  the  baggage, 
and  the  provisions.  Fifty  of  these  vessels  were  so 
constructed  as  to  serve  also  as  pontoons  for  bridg- 
ing. As  the  fleet  floated  down  the  tawny  river  the 
legions  of  Rome  marched  proudly  along  the  right 
bank  of  the  Euphrates.  The  disposition  of  this  army 
on  the  march  was  skilfully  made  to  protect  it  on  all 
sides  from  any  unforeseen  attacks  of  the  enemy. 
At  Zaitha  Julian  addressed  his  troops  in  an  eloquent 
speech,  in  which  he  encouraged  them  by  relating  the 
past  successes  of  Rome,  and  foretold  an  easy  victory 
over  a weak  and  timid  enemy. 

A number  of  small  but  well-fortified  places  along 
the  line  of  march  were  left  unmolested,  on  agreeing 
to  preserve  neutrality,  as  Julian  was  impatient  of 
allowing  any  sieges  or  assaults  to  interfere  with  the 
march  or  reduce  the  size  of  his  army.  In  this  he 
committed  a military  blunder.  At  Hit  the  Romans 
found  that  all  the  male  population  had  fled,  leaving 
the  women  and  children  behind,  supposing  that  they 
would  be  safe.  But  Julian  permitted  his  soldiers  to 
massacre  them  ail.  Such  a deed  as  this  tends  to 
withdraw  our  sympathy  from  an  emperor  who  had 
loudly  proclaimed  himself  as  a reformer  and  phil- 
osopher. 

At  Hit  the  Romans  entered  on  the  rich  alluvial 
lowlands  of  Babylonia,  frequently  intersected  by 
broad  canals.  Up  to  this  time  the  Persians  had  of- 
fered no  resistance  to  the  Roman  advance.  But  now 
they  changed  their  tactics,  and  flying  squadrons  of 


198 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


cavalry  constantly  hovered  on  the  flank  of  the  invad- 
ing army  or  threatened  it  in  front,  cutting  off  small 
detachments  and  stragglers.  The  result  was  greatly 
to  harass  the  Romans  and  sometimes  actually  to 
check  the  onward  march  of  the  heavy-armed  legions. 
On  arriving  before  the  walls  of  Peri  Sabor,  or,  as  the 
Persians  called  it,  Firooz  Shapoor,  Julian  found  that 
the  place  was  too  important  to  leave  in  his  rear, 
having,  as  it  did,  a large  population  and  powerful 
garrison.  The  resistance  was  exceedingly  obstinate, 
and  the  place  was  finally  surrendered  only  after 
Julian  had  caused  an  immense  moving  tower  to  be 
constructed  which  overtopped  the  walls,  and  laid 
bridges  across  the  ramparts.  Even  then  he  was 
obliged  to  permit  the  entire  population  to  retire  with 
clothes  and  money. 

Proceeding  thence  southwest,  Julian  at  last  suc- 
ceeded in  transporting  his  fleet  and  army  from  the 
Euphrates  to  the  Tigris  through  a canal  which 
joined  the  two  rivers,  and  found  himself  opposite  to 
Ctesiphon.  This  city,  the  last  capital  of  Parthia, 
and  still  a most  important  resort  of  the  court  of 
Persia,  was  the  strategic  point  at  which  the  Roman 
emperor  directed  his  plans.  With  Ctesiphon  in  his 
hands  the  campaign  would  be  a success  even  if  he 
proceeded  no  farther ; to  retire  without  besieging  it 
would  be  to  return  baffled  if  not  disgraced.  But  a 
large  Persian  army  with  elephants  and  chariots  de- 
fended the  passage  of  the  Tigris.  Julian  at  this 
juncture  displayed  both  ability  and  courage.  He 
succeeded  in  forcing  the  passage  with  the  aid  of  his 
ships,  and  put  the  Persian  army  to  flight.  And  now 


PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  REIGN  OF  SAPOR  II.  1 99 


commenced  a race  for  the  possession  of  Ctesiphon, 
which  must  have  been  most  exciting.  The  Persians 
flew  for  refuge  within  the  walls,  while  the  Romans  pur- 
sued in  order  to  enter  the  gates  with  the  fugitives. 
But  the  Persians  were  in  first,  and  the  gates  were 
firmly  closed  as  the  enemy’s  troops  dashed  up  to  the 
drawbridges.  Julian  had  lost  the  prize  that  at  one 
moment  seemed  in  his  grasp,  and  from  that  hour 
the  star  of  his  fortune  began  to  decline. 

Admirably  fortified,  well  garrisoned,  and  victualled 
for  a long  siege,  it  was  evident  that  Julian  would  be 
obliged  to  make  a formal  investment  of  Ctesiphon 
and  perhaps  spend  months  without  its  walls.  This 
would  have  been  sufificiently  trying  in  that  hot  and 
malarious  climate,  even  if  he  could  count  on  being 
left  unmolested  to  carry  on  the  tedious  operations  of 
a siege.  But  this  was  exactly  what  could  not  be  ex- 
pected. While  it  was  true  that  Julian  had  defeated 
one  Persian  army,  he  well  knew  that  a much  larger 
force,  under  the  command  of  the  great  king  himself, 
was  in  the  neighborhood,  awaiting  the  critical  hour 
when  it  could  swoop  down  on  the  jaded  legions  of 
the  invader,  and  perhaps  under  the  eagle  eye  of  their 
redoubtable  sovereign  wrest  still  another  triumph 
from  the  hosts  of  Rome. 

It  was  a trying  moment  for  the  proud  and  haughty 
emperor.  After  his  vaunted  boasts  it  was  doubly 
hard  to  dhink  of  giving  the  order  to  retire.  But, 
like  a prudent  general,  he  allowed  himself  to  be 
guided  by  expediency,  and  reluctantly  decided  to 
retreat.  A greater  captain  might  perhaps  have 
made  the  very  desperateness  of  the  situation  minis- 


200 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


ter  to  victory,  for  even  retreat  had  now  become 
dangerous. 

Having  made  his  decision,  Julian  commanded  the 
entire  fleet  to  be  burned,  with  the  exception  of  the 
pontoon  ships,  as  he  proposed  to  return  by  the  line 
of  the  Tigris  instead  of  the  Euphrates.  This  plan 
would  lead  the  army  through  a country  at  once 
more  healthy  and  abounding  in  provisions,  and  ena- 
ble him  to  form  a junction  with  the  corps  under 
Procopius.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  this  course 
made  pursuit  by  the  Persians  more  easy.  A retreat- 
ing  general  is  always  forced  to  make  a choice  of  evils. 

But  before  the  retreat  began,  Sapor,  wily  as  well 
as  skilful,  and  keeping  a careful  watch  on  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy,  sought  to  gain  time  and  still 
further  entangle  his  antagonist  in  difficulties  by  once 
more  sending  an  embassy  to  Julian  with  proposals 
of  peace.  It  would  have  been  fortunate  for  Julian 
if  he  had  accepted  these  negotiations,  both  for  him- 
self and  for  Rome. 

No  sooner  had  the  Roman  army  broken  up  its 
camp  and  turned  its  face  homewards  than  a cloud  of 
dust  began  to  rise  up  above  the  horizon.  It  grew 
rapidly,  and  erelong  the  spears  and  breastplates 
glittering  through  the  dust  betokened  the  approach 
of  the  army  of  the  “ Great  King.”  Sapor  had  been 
lying  in  wait  for  his  opportunity  to  spring  on  the 
enemy,  and  now  it  had  come.  The  Persian  vanguard 
made  a violent  attack  on  the  rear  of  the  retreating 
army.  True  to  the  training  they  had  received,  the 
Roman  veterans  stood  their  ground  and  repulsed  the 
attack.  This  was  no  more  than  Sapor  had  expected, 


PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  REIGN  OF  SAPOR  II.  201 


and  although  for  the  moment  calling  off  his  troops, 
he  closely  followed  the  enemy,  watching  every  oppor- 
tunity to  harass  them,  and  burning  the  forage  on 
which  Julian  in  taking  this  route  had  calculated  to 
subsist  his  army. 

The  march  of  the  Romans  was  greatly  impeded, 
and  the  troops  were  worn  and  disheartened  by  the 
obstinate  persistence  of  the  foe,  as  well  as  the  scar- 
city of  food  which  was  now  beginning  to  be  felt. 
The  hardy  horsemen  of  Persia,  well  armed  and  nim- 
ble, were  able  to  endure,  and  now  here,  now  there, 
never  rested  from  the  policy  of  constant  attack  which 
Sapor  adopted.  The  emperor  himself  began  at  last 
to  yield  under  the  distressing  circumstances  which 
surrounded  him.  At  night  in  his  tent  he  fancied 
that  he  saw  the  Genius  of  Rome  sadly  stealing  past 
him  with  her  emblems  of  power  depressed.  To  add 
to  the  horror  of  the  situation,  the  soothsayers  de- 
clared the  omens  of  sacrifice  to  be  adverse,  and 
warned  him  to  avoid  active  hostilities.  But  yet, 
what  could  he  do  but  fight,  for  the  constant  attacks 
of  the  Persians  obliged  the  emperor  to  be  ever  on 
the  alert  and  repel  the  enemy  with  open  force ; 
likewise  no  food  could  be  obtained  without  fighting. 

On  the  tenth  day  after  the  retreat  began,  the  Ro- 
mans struck  their  tents  with  the  hope  that  the 
enemy  had  at  last  desisted  from  the  pursuit  that  was 
fast  wasting  away  their  strength.  Far  as  the  eye 
could  see,  the  plains  were  clear  of  any  appearance  of 
the  army  of  Sapor.  But  near  Samarah  the  country 
became  hilly,  and  as  the  Romans  entered  on  this 
stage  of  the  march,  they  were  suddenly  surprised  by 


202 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


a tremendous  attack  delivered  by  the  Persian  army, 
which,  from  the  covert  of  the  hills,  dashed  from  all 
sides  against  the  Roman  legions.  The  critical  mo- 
ment had  come  which  demanded  every  energy,  or 
the  Roman  army  was  lost.  But  half-armed,  Julian 
rushed  from  his  tent  to  rally  his  lines  ; in  the  heat 
of  the  conflict  his  side  was  pierced  by  a Persian 
spear,  and  he  was  borne  to  the  ground  mortally 
wounded. 

The  fury  of  the  Romans  at  the  fate  of  their  com- 
mander, instead  of  causing  a rout,  nerved  them  to 
revenge,  and  a terrible  conflict  raged  until  night. 
Both  armies  suffered  heavily,  but  the  advantage  lay 
with  the  Persians,  because  they  had  voluntarily  re- 
tired, prepared  to  renew  the  attack  on  the  morrow ; 
while  the  invaders  had  lost  their  general,  and  with- 
out provisions  or  reinforcements,  could  only  foresee 
ultimate  destruction. 

Julian  died  in  his  pavilion  at  midnight.  A council 
of  generals  was  immediately  summoned  to  elect  a 
general  and  emperor  in  his  stead.  Unwillingness  on 
the  part  of  several  to  accept  such  a responsible  post, 
jealousy  on  the  part  of  others,  prevented  the  elec- 
tion of  the  fittest,  and  the  choice  finally  fell  upon 
Jovian,  who  was  immediately  inaugurated,  and 
thus  achieved  a place  in  history  as  a Caesar,  which 
his  moderate  abilities  never  could  otherwise  have 
won. 

The  Persians,  on  the  following  day,  renewed  the 
attack  on  the  retreating  army.  ‘ Nerved  by  despera- 
tion, the  Romans  repelled  their  assailants,  but  only 
with  very  severe  losses  to  themselves,  and  continued 


PERSIA  UNTIL  THE  REIGN  OF  SAPOR  IE  203 

the  retreat  for  four  days  more.  Then  the  astute  king 
of  Persia  considered  that  the  time  had  come  when 
the  Romans  would  be  willing  to  purchase  their  escape 
by  advantageous  terms  of  peace,  and  he  again  re- 
newed negotiations.  He  rightly  judged  the  temper 
of  the  enemy.  Jovian  commissioned  two  generals  to 
treat  with  the  commissioners  of  the  ‘‘Great  King.” 
Never  since  the  foundation  of  Rome,  had  she 
been  forced  to  listen  to  such  rigorous  terms;  but 
every  day  increased  the  peril  of  the  invaders,  and 
Jovian  reluctantly  accepted  and  ratified  the  treaty 
proposed  by  Sapor.  It  was  stipulated  that  the  peace 
now  concluded  should  last  for  thirty  years,  and  the 
Romans  be  permitted  to  return  unmolested  across 
the  river.  Rome,  on  the  other  hand,  ceded  the  prov- 
inces she  surrendered  to  Persia  without  delay,  with- 
drawing her  garrisons  from  the  important  fortresses 
she  abandoned.  Both  sides  honorably  respected  the 
compact,  and  Sapor  furnished  the  survivors  of  the 
Roman  army  with  provisions.  ‘ 

Rome  never  rallied  from  this  blow  in  the  East. 
Often  did  she  renew  the  contest  in  later  ages,  but 
she  never  recovered  the  prestige  nor  the  provinces 
ravished  from  her  when  Julian  fell  on  the  field  of 
Samarah. 

It  is  impossible  to  consider  the  conduct  of  Sapor, 
without  profound  admiration.  For  twenty-seven 
years  he  waged  war  with  Rome;  he  had  never  lost 
a battle  where  he  commanded  in  person.  He  had 
vanquished  three  Roman  emperors,  and  closed  this 
relentless  war  by  wresting  from  the  iron  grip  of 
Rome,  some  of  her  fairest  provinces  and  most  im- 


204 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


pregnable  strongholds.  In  the  course  of  his  long 
military  career,  he  displayed  the  qualities  which 
make  a great  commander.* 

It  has  been  the  custom  of  Western  writers  to 
assume  that  Orientals,  including  the  Persians,  are 
inferior  in  mettle  to  Europeans.  It  may  be  granted 
that  Eastern  soldiers  are  more  dependent  than 
European  troops  on  leadership,  and  with  the  loss  of 
their  general  are  more  easily  routed.  But  properly 
led,  there  are  no  better  fighters  than  some  Asiatic 
races,  and  foremost  among  them  are  the  Persians. 
The  frequent  wars  of  Persia  with  Europeans  prove 
this  fact.  If  Darius  the  Great  had  led  the  Persians 
against  the  Greeks  in  person,  there  is  no  doubt  that 
their  victory  would  have  been  more  uncertain.  The 
conquests  of  Alexander  were  rendered  easy  by  the 
character  of  the  Persian  monarch  he  had  to  overcome. 
But  when  the  Persians  were  led  by  the  genius  of  the 
Arsacidse  and  the  Sassanians  we  see  of  what  they 
were  capable. 

No  greater  soldiers  have  lived  than  the  tremendous 
legions  with  which  Rome  vanquished  the  Carthagin- 
ians, the  Gauls,  and  finally  the  redoubtable  phalanxes 
of  Macedonia.  Until  she  attacked  Persia,  Rome  had 
been  invincible.  For  five  centuries  such  generals  as 
Crassus  and  Antony,  Trajan  and  Julian,  had  dashed 

* One  cannot  avoid  drawing  a comparison  here  between  the  cam- 
paign of  Julian  against  Persia  and  the  invasion  of  Russia  by  Napoleon 
Bonaparte.  The  tactics  of  resistance  employed  by  Sapor  and  the 
Russian  generals  possess  many  points  of  resemblance.  It  is  greatly 
to  be  regretted,  for  the  glory  of  Napoleon,  he  did  not,  like  Julian, 
close  his  career  on  the  battle-field,  instead  of  in  exile  on  a lonely  isle 
of  the  sea. 


SCULPTURE  AT  TACHT-I-BOSTAN,  REPRESENTING  ARTAXERXES  TRANSFERRING  THE  CROWN  TO 
205  SAPOR  I. 


2o6 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


their  armies  against  the  frontiers  of  Persia  in  vain ; 
for  five  centuries  of  hostilities  Rome  had  made  no 
impression  on  the  Asiatics  beyond  the  Euphrates. 
Army  after  army  was  shattered  before  the  military 
genius  and  invincible  cavalry  of  the  Persian  empire. 
Emperors  were  captured  or  slain,  and  disgraceful 
treaties  concluded,  but  in  all  that  period  not  one 
army  of  Persia  surrendered  to  Rome — not  one  sov- 
ereign of  Persia  was  led  at  the  triumphal  car  of  a 
Roman  consul.  And  yet  in  her  thousand  years  of 
conquest  and  war,  Rome  attacked  no  country  with 
such  pomp  and  preparation,  or  such  formidable 
armies  and  armaments,  as  she  hurled  against  Persia. 
In  view  of  these  facts,  we  are  perfectly  safe  in 
assuming  that,  when  properly  led,  the  world  has 
produced  no  greater  soldiers  than  the  Asiatics  who 
leaped  to  battle  at  the  command  of  Sapor  and 
Chosroes. 


XVL 

FROM  SAPOR  II.  TO  CHOSROES  I. 

Sapor  II.  died  in  the  year  380  A.D.,  old  and 
clothed  with  renown.  Never,  since  the  death  of 
Darius  I.,  had  Persia  reached  such  a pinnacle  of 
power.  But  the  repose  which  Sapor  had  won  for 
his  country  was  followed  by  civil  wars  and  dissen- 
sions, such  as  occur  in  the  history  of  all  nations,  and 
he  was  succeeded  by  sovereigns  whose  incapacity 
was  in  marked  contrast  with  the  genius  he  had 
displayed. 

One  hundred  and  fifty  years  went  by.  They  may 
be  dismissed  with  a few  rapid  paragraphs  in  the 
condensed  pages  of  history ; yet  in  that  long  and 
comparatively  obscure  period  the  Persian  empire 
was  steadily  pursuing  its  career ; monarchs  were 
crowned  and  died  ; the  intrigues  of  the  luxurious 
court  went  on  as  ever  ; births  and  marriages  con- 
tinued in  the  land ; the  merchant  in  the  bazaar,  the 
cobbler  at  his  bench,  the  artist  with  his  pencil,  the 
priest  at  his  altar,  pursued  their  avocations  as  they 
do  now,  thinking  their  own  lives  and  times  of  more 
importance  than  all  that  had  preceded,  or  than  were 
to  come,  when  they  too  had  joined  the  nations 
beyond  the  tomb. 


207 


208 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


Long  intervals  of  peace  were  broken  by  insurrec- 
tions in  the  subject  provinces,  or  wars  were  renewed 
with  the  hereditary  enenay — Rome.  But  during 
those  five  generations  few  men  or  events  call  for 
especial  record  here.  Among  these  we  may  note 
the  high  character  of  Isdigerd  L,  who  appears  to 
have  borne  such  an  excellent  repute,  that  the 
Emperor  Arcadius  on  his  death-bed  bequeathed  his 
youthful  son,  Theodosius,  to  the  care  of  Isdigerd. 
The  Persian  king  accepted  the  trust  in  the  spirit  in 
which  it  was  given.  He  deputed  a high  officer  of 
his  court  to  instruct  the  young  prince,  and  assisted 
him  to  mount  the  throne.  Ever  after  Isdigerd  re- 
mained on  friendly  terms  with  the  emperor,  who 
had  been  his  ward,  and  refrained  from  hostilities 
with  Rome. 

When  we  consider  the  excellent  character  of  some 
of  the  monarchs  who  in  Europe  have  achieved  an 
unenviable  notoriety  for  the  fierceness  of  their  reli- 
gious persecutions,  we  are  not  surprised  to  learn  that 
Isdigerd,  notwithstanding  his  honorable  course  to- 
wards Theodosius,  was  one  of  the  most  cruel  persecu- 
tors the  world  has  seen.  At  first  he  inclined  to 
Christianity  during  his  relations  with  the  Romans 
of  Constantinople,  and  at  the  instigation  of  Chris- 
tian bishops, — we  regret  to  record  it, — persecuted 
the  fire-worshippers.  But  repenting  later  on  of  his 
Christian  leanings,  he  became  a most  bigoted  ma- 
gian,  and  ordered  all  the  Christians  in  Persia  to  be 
exterminated  with  cruel  tortures.  It  is  not  singu- 
lar that  all  classes  of  his  subjects  having  suffered 
from  this  sanguinary  and  inconsistent  conduct, 


FA'OAf  SAPOR  II.  TO  CIIOSROES  I. 


209 


Isdigerd  should  have  left  a name  but  little  loved  ; 
they  branded  him  with  the  epithet  Al-AtJiim — the 
Wicked. 

When  the  throne  became  vacant,  Bahram  or  Varah- 
ran,  the  eldest  son  of  Isdigerd  I.  and  the  rightful 
heir,  was  in  Mesopotamia  with  the  Arabs,  who  were 
dependent  on  Persia.  For  some  reason,  not  stated, 
he  had  been  sent  there  in  boyhood  and  received  his 
education  among  the  fierce  horsemen  and  hunters  of 
the  desert.  It  was  believed  that  he  possessed  the 
harsh  and  violent  character  of  his  father.  His 
brother,  Sapor, 
in  turn,  had 
made  himself 
obnoxious  to  his 
countrymen  by 
his  ill-timed  am- 
bition. In  order 

, . , , COIN  OF  SAPOR  II. 

to  seize  the 

throne  he  had  abandoned  his  satrapy  in  Arme- 
nia at  a critical  time,  and  the  Armenians  had  re- 
volted. The  nobles  therefore  decided  to  allow 
the  succession  to  neither  of  the  brothers ; they 
selected  and  crowned  Chosroes,  a descendant  of 
Artaxerxes  I.,  who  was  but  distantly  connected 
with  Isdigerd  I. 

But  Varahran  was  not  of  a temper  to  permit  his 
rights  to  be  stripped  from  him  so  easily.  He  had 
the  address  to  induce  the  Arabs  to  furnish  him  with 
a large  army,  and  swooped  down  on  Ctesiphon  with 
such  irresistible  energy  that  Chosroes,  the  nobles, 
and  the  magi  accepted  him  as  the  rightful  sovereign 


210 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


of  Persia  without  a struggle.  Chosroes  retired  again 
to  private  life,  and  it  is  to  the  credit  of  Varahran 
that  he  does  not  appear  to  have  in  any  way  molested 
that  prince  for  usurping  a position  to  which  he  had 
no  legal  right. 

Varahran  V.  was  crowned  420  A.D.  Perhaps  as  a 
matter  of  policy,  he  at  once  sided  strongly  with  the 
magians,  and  vigorously  persecuted  the  Christians  in 
his  dominions.  So  far  did  he  carry  his  measures 
against  them,  that  he  peremptorily  demanded  the 
surrender  of  Christians  who  had  fled  for  refuge  to 
Constantinople.  When  Theodosius,  the  emperor,  re- 
jected the  demand,  Varahran  declared  war.  Hostili- 
ties continued  only  a short  time,  and  peace  was  con- 
cluded in  422.  No  events  of  importance  character- 
ized the  two  campaigns  during  which  it  lasted  ; 
neither  side  showed  much  spirit  in  maintaining  it, 
and  the  advantages  were  nearly  evenly  balanced. 

Varahran  was  the  more  willing  to  conclude  a peace 
because  of  the  disturbed  state  of  Armenia.  A pe- 
culiar condition  of  things  existed  in  that  province. 
The  Armenians  were  and  are  still  a people  very  tena- 
cious of  the  national  feeling ; they  have  clung  together 
with  great  firmness,  and  have  obstinately  resisted  all 
who  have  ruled  over  them.  And  yet  since  their 
first  appearance  in  history  they  have  rarely  been  in- 
dependent, even  when  their  rulers  or  kings  have  been 
of  their  own  race.  At  the  period  of  which  we  write, 
the  Armenians  were  Christians,  and  yet  were  divided 
on  the  question  of  rulers.  Artaxerxes,  their  king, 
who  was  a feudatory  to  Persia,  was  a Christian,  and 
a descendant  of  the  Arsacidae,  to  whom  the  Arme- 


FROM  SAPOR  11.  TO  CHOSROES  I. 


21 


nians  were  attached.  But  he  was  a man  of  the  worst 
character,  and  the  nobles  therefore  preferred,  instead 
of  continuing  under  such  a prince,  to  have  him  de- 
throned and  to  request  Varahran  V.  to  make  Arme- 
nia a simple  province  of  the  Persian  empire.  But 
the  patriarch  or  primate  of  the  Armenian  clergy  op- 
posed this  measure,  arguing,  strangely,  as  it  appears 
to  us,  that  a Christian  ruler  was  preferable,  even  if 
desperately  wicked,  to  a pagan  prince.  In  the  end 
the  nobles  carried  their  point  ; the  patriarch  was  de- 
posed from  office,  Artaxerxes  was  dethroned,  and 
Armenia,  henceforth  called  Persarmenia,  ceased  to 
be  independent  in  any  sense,  and 
received  Persian  governors.  We 
think  it  must  be  admitted  that 
Varahran  acted  with  moderation 
and  wisdom  in  these  transactions 
During  the  reign  of  this  prince 
Persia  first  began  to  be  molested  by 
the  fierce  inroads  of  an  obscure 
numerous  horde,  who  came  from 

HOUSEHOLD  FIRE- 

the  steppes  on  the  east  of  the  altar. 

Caspian  Sea.  Persian  writers  call  them  Haiatheleh. 
The  Greek  historians  speak  of  them  as  Ephthalites 
and  White  Huns.  It  is  very  possible  they  were 
the  original  Turks  from  whom  proceeded  the  Ot- 
toman Turks  at  a later  period.  In  any  case,  they 
were  a brave  and  formidable  people,  and  when  it  was 
whispered  at  Ctesiphon  that  their  khakhan,  or  chief, 
had  burst  over  the  northeast  border  of  Persia  with  a 
vast  host,  great  alarm  was  aroused.  It  was  expected 
that  Varahran  would  take  immediate  and  sufficient 


212 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


measures  to  repel  this  formidable  invasion.  But  to 
the  consternation  of  his  people  he  took  the  matter 
very  coolly,  and  announced  his  intention  of  going  on 
one  of  the  hunting  expeditions  for  which  he  had  a 
passion.  For  this  purpose  he  named  his  brother, 
Narses,  regent  during  his  absence,  and  left  the  capi- 
tal. 

The  course  taken  by  Varahran,  when  such  a crisis 
was  threatening,  led  all  to  conclude  that  his  mind  was 
disordered  ; and  by  the  advice  of  the  nobles,  Narses 
sent  an  embassy  to  patch  up  a hasty  peace  with  the 
Ephthalites,  before  they  could  overrun  the  whole  of 
Persia.  The  terms  offered  by  the  embassadors  were 
so  humiliating,  including  as  they  did  the  payment  of 
a tribute  by  Persia,  that  the  king  of  the  Ephthalites 
accepted  them  and  promised  to  abandon  the  Persian 
territory  as  soon  as  the  first  instalment  of  the  tribute 
had  been  paid. 

In  the  meantime  nothing  was  heard  from  Varah- 
ran ; he  had  mysteriously  disappeared,  and  no  news 
came  to  indicate  his  movements.  All  was  in  sus- 
pense at  the  capital,  when  a swift  herald  suddenly 
dashed  into  the  city,  on  a panting  steed  covered  with 
foam  and  dust,  and  alighted  at  the  palace  gates.  He 
announced  great  tidings : the  complete  overthrow  of 
the  Ephthalites,  the  death  of  their  king,  the  capture 
of  his  wife,  the  seizure  of  vast  plunder,  and  the 
pursuit  of  the  flying  and  scattered  foe  towards  the 
Oxus. 

It  seems  that  with  a secrecy  and  celerity  that 
show  very  unusual  ability,  Varahran  had  made  his 
way  to  Adiarbene  with  a few  picked  horsemen.  Ar- 


FROM  SAPOR  II.  TO  CHOSROES  /.  21 3 

riving  there  he  collected  an  additional  force  of  light 
cavalry  and  pushed  eastward  along  the  narrow  alluvial 
plain  between  the  Caspian  and  the  Elborz  mountains, 
travelling  cautiously  but  swiftly  by  night,  and  taking 
every  precaution  to  conceal  his  movements.  By  this 
means  he  arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  Merv,  where  the 
host  of  the  Ephthalites  was  encamped  awaiting  the 
tribute  money.  Varahran  aided  his  preparations  for 
an  attack  by  filling  the  dried  skins  of  oxen  with  loose 
pebbles,  and  attaching  them  to  the  necks  of  horses. 
When  night  came  on,  and  the  enemy,  little  suspect- 
ing danger,  were  asleep,  he  sounded  the  charge  and 
fell  upon  the  slumbering  camp  like  a thunderbolt. 
The  rattling  noise  of  the  pebbles  in  the  skins  in- 
creased the  terror  that  ensued,  and  the  Persian  caval- 
ry drove  irresistibly  over  the  Ephthalite  host.  In  the 
awful  confusion  that  ensued  a vast  number  of  the  bar- 
barians were  slaughtered,  including  their  king,  and 
the  remainder  were  put  to  flight  and  pursued  without 
mercy  for  many  a league. 

Having  achieved  this  great  victory,  Varahran  sent 
a detachment  across  the  Oxus  which  administered 
another  crushing  defeat  to  the  White  Huns  ; they 
sued  for  peace,  and  Varahran  set  up  a pillar  to  mark 
the  future  boundary  between  the  two  countries.  He 
returned  to  his  capital  overwhelmed  with  the  admir- 
ing plaudits  of  his  subjects.  It  is  said  by  Persian 
historians  that  he  proposed  next  to  invade  India, 
adding  a province  or  two  in  that  quarter  to  his 
dominions,  and  introducing  Indian  musicians  into 
Persia.  Although  this  expedition  is  doubted  by 
some  modern  historians,  the  writer  is  inclined  to 


214 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


think  the  account  is  based  on  fact,  although  perhaps 
exaggerated  by  the  somewhat  partial  historians  of 
that  period. 

There  is  a characteristic  story  related  of  Varahran 
V.  by  Persian  writers.  It  is  said  that  one  day  he 
was  seated  with  his  favorite  mistress  in  an  upper  pa- 
vilion overlooking  a plain.  They  were  looking  out 
of  a window  when  two  wild  asses  appeared.  The 
king  drew  his  bow,  and,  being  a man  of  great 
strength  and  skilled  in  the  chase,  shot  an  arrow 
with  such  force  that  it  transfixed  both  animals. 
Proud  of  the  strength  and  skill  displayed,  Varahran 
turned  to  the  lady  for  the  words  of  praise  to  which 
he  was  accustomed.  But  she  airily  answered,  “ Prac- 
tice makes  perfect.”  The  king  was  so  incensed  by 
such  apparent  indifference,  that  he  ordered  her  to 
immediate  execution.  The  next  moment  he  repent- 
ed of  his  rage,  and  contented  himself  by  banishing 
her  from  the  palace. 

Years  went  by  ; quite  likely  the  haughty  king 
thought  sometimes  of  the  fair  lady  whom  he  had 
treated  so  harshly,  but  perhaps  his  pride  would  not 
permit  him  to  send  for  her,  and  all  trace  of  her  was 
lost.  Then  it  happened  that  he  went  hunting,  and 
towards  evening  he  saw  a sight  that  not  only  at- 
tracted his  attention,  but  also  his  curiosity,  to  a 
remarkable  degree.  He  saw  a woman  carrying  a 
cow  on  her  shoulders  up  and  down  the  stairs  of  a 
country  house.  He  sent  for  her,  and  inquired  how 
she  was  able  to  perform  such  a feat  of  strength. 
She  quietly  replied,  perhaps  with  a twinkle  in  her 
eye  as  she  dropped  her  veil,  “ Practice  makes  per- 


VARAHRAN  V.  IN  BATTLE — FROM  SCULPTURE  AT  TACHT-I-BOSTAN. 


2i6 


THE  STORY  OF  FERSlA. 


feet/’  The  king  recognized  the  lady,  no  longer 
young,  but  still  fair  and  attractive,  whom  he  had 
driven  so  cruelly  from  his  presence.  She  had  shrewd- 
ly planned  this  feat  of  skill  with  the  hope  that  she 
might  sometime  win  back  her  royal  lover.  She 
began  with  a small  calf,  taking  it  up  the  steps  each 
day,  and  gaining  strength  in  proportion  as  the  calf 
grew.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  Varahran  was  so 
overjoyed  to  see  her  that  he  invited  the  lady  to  be- 
come once  more  an  inmate  of  his  palace.  There 
is  nothing  improbable  in  this  story,  as  it  is  quite 
in  accordance  with  Oriental  character,  except  as  re- 
gards the  size  and  weight  of  the  cow.  In  Persia, 
however,  cows  are  small,  and  perhaps  the  tale  in 
its  first  form  meant  a gazelle  rather  than  a cow. 

Varahran  lost  his  life  in  a manner  highly  char- 
acteristic of  his  vigorous,  impetuous,  but  eccentric 
career.  He  was  called  by  the  Persians  Bahram  Goor, 
or  Bahram  the  Wild  Ass,  because  of  his  passion  for 
hunting  that  swift  but  graceful  animal."^  In  the 
twentieth  year  of  his  reign  this  talented  sovereign 
was  chasing  a wild  ass  heedless  of  all  but  the  nimble- 
footed beast  he  sought  to  make  his  quarry.  Without 
warning,  the  king’s  horse  plunged  into  one  of  the  dry 
quicksands  which  are  found  on  the  plains  of  Persia, 
and  in  an  instant  the  king  was  swallowed  out  of 
sight,  f 

* The  onager  or  wild  ass  is  still  seen  on  the  desert  plains  of  Persia  ; 
it  is  of  a handsome  sorrel  hue  and  incredibly  fleet. 

f A friend  of  the  writer  came  on  one  of  these  quaking  quicksands 
near  Teheran,  in  his  carriage  ; but  it  was  less  dangerous  than  the  one 
which  swallowed  Bahram  Goor.  The  writer’s  horse  also  floundered 
in  a quagmire  at  the  base  of  the  cone  of  Demavend,  and  he  escaped 


SAPOR  II.  TO  CIIOSROES  /. 


217 


Varahran  was  a monarch  whose  character  was  such 
as  to  make  him  popular  and  to  leave  a mark  in 
history.  His  faults  were  chiefly  those  of  his  educa- 
tion and  country.  While  his  energy,  originality,  and 
courage  were  popular  qualities  that  would  attract  the 
admiration  and  love  of  his  subjects,  indicating,  as  they 
did,  a strong  and  breezy  individuality,  and  giving  a 
tinge  of  romance  to  his  reign,  as  an  administrator 
and  a soldier  he  favorably  disappointed  the  fears  of 
the  Persians,  and  enlarged  and  strengthened  the 
empire  he  inherited. 

The  reign  of  Perozes  was  remarkable  for  unfortu- 
nate wars  with  the  vassal  kingdom  of  Armenia  and 
with  the  Ephthalites,  a tribe  of  Tartar  warriors  on 
the  northern  shores  of  the  Caspian,  descendants 
of  the  Turanians,  who  had  so  often  sorely  beset 
Persia  from  the  northeast.  This  reign  was  also 
marked  by  a terrible  drought  which  lasted  seven 
years,  accompanied  by  pestilence.  Many  thousands 
perished  in  Persia  at  that  time.  The  Ephthalites 
succeeded  in  so  badly  defeating  Perozes  that  he 
made  peace  on  condition  of  not  passing  a pillar 
which  was  set  up  to  mark  the  frontier.  Feeling  bit- 
terly the  disgrace  to  which  he  had  been  subjected, 
he  broke  the  terms  of  the  treaty  and  marched  once 
more  against  the  Ephthalites.  By  a stratagem  the 
entire  Persian  army  fell  into  their  power,  and  the  king 
himself  lost  his  life.  Perozes  was  a man  of  good  dis- 
position, with  few  vices  and  great  personal  courage; 
but  he  was  deficient  as  a commander  in  the  field. 

only  by  grasping  a bush  and  throwing  himself  off  the  saddle,  while 
the  horse  was  dragged  out  by  bridle  and  tail  just  in  lime. 


2i8  the  story  of  PERSIA. 

Perozes  was  followed  by  Balas,  or  Valasgash,  his 
brother,  who  reigned  only  four  years,  but  proved  to 
be  a wise  and  good  prince,  who  in  that  brief  period 
did  much*  to  repair  the  disasters  of  Perozes.  He 
pacified  the  Ephthalites,  who  threatened  to  overrun 
Persia,  by  agreeing  to  pay  them  a small  tribute  ; in 
return  for  this  concession  they  restored  the  wife  and 
daughter  of  Perozes,  and  refused  to  assist  the  sons 
of  that  king  in  their  claims  to  the  throne  of  Persia. 
Balas  also  reduced  Armenia  from  the  state  of  en- 
mity to  become  a willing  vassal  who  was  ever  after 
true  in  her  allegiance  to  Persia.  He  conciliated  her  by 
wisely  revoking  the  edicts  against  Christianity  issued 
by  Isdigerd  L,  and  permitting  the  Armenians  in 
turn  to  destroy  the  altars  of  Zoroaster,  and  expel 
all  fire-worshippers  from  their  dominion.  We  find 
from  the  earliest  periods  that  religious  liberty  with 
Christians  no  less  than  pagans  meant  simply  the 
liberty  to  practise  their  own  beliefs  ; all  united  alike 
in  denouncing  and  fiercely  persecuting  those  who  be- 
lieved any  other  creed  within  their  territory.  More 
than  three  fourths  of  the  world’s  population,  includ- 
ing many  Christians,  even  at  the  present  have  no 
other  notion  of  the  principles  of  religious  liberty. 
Balas,  towards  the  close  of  his  short  reign,  appears 
to  have  refused  to  continue  the  tribute  to  the 
Ephthalites,  and  hostilities  were  about  to  be  renewed 
when  he  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew 
Kobad,  a younger  son  of  Perozes. 

Kobad  was  enabled  to  secure  himself  on  the 
throne  against  all  pretenders,  by  the  aid  of  a contin- 
gent furnished  by  his  friend  Kush-newaz,  king  of  the 


FROM  SAPOR  //.  TO  CHOSROES  /. 


219 


Ephthalites,  to  whom  the  young  king  appears  to  have 
continued  the  tribute,  until  at  least  he  had  so  strength- 
ened himself  and  his  country  as  to  be  able  to  hold 
them  in  defiance.  Kobad  was  soon  involved  in  a war 
with  the  Khazars.  They  were  fierce  barbarians  who 
dwelt  between  the  Don  and  the  Volga,  and  as  they 
grew  in  numbers  and  strength  made  terrible  plunder- 
ing incursions  through  the  passes  of  the  Caucasus 
mountains  and  ravaged  the  northern  portions  of  the 
Persian  empire.  Kobad  showed  spirit  in  the  first 
encounter  of  Persia  with  an  enemy  destined  in  later 
ages  to  be  more  than  once  a scourage  to  her  people. 
At  the  head  of  a hundred  thousand  men  he  at- 
tacked and  utterly  overthrew  their  army  and  cap- 
tured immense  spoils. 

But  Kobad  made  a false  step  about  the  time 
that  he  appeared  entering  upon  a prosperous  reign. 
Mazdak,  a high  priest  of  magianism,  proclaimed 
himself  to  be  a reformer  of  Zoroastrianism.  The 
essential  point  of  his  doctrines  was  the  equality 
of  all  men,  including  the  king  and  the  nobles.  As  a 
logical  deduction  from  this  principle,  he  asserted  that 
none  had  a right  to  possess  more  than  others,  and 
hence  a community  of  all  property  was  essential. 
Women  were  to  be,  in  his  system,  wives  of  all,  and  the 
social  vices,  which  necessarily  result  from  the  exist- 
ence of  marriage  laws,  were  abolished  by  the  very 
fact  of  the  abolition  of  marriage  which  he  proposed. 
To  these  remarkable  views  Mazdak  added  abstinence 
from  animal  food,  with  the  exception  of  milk  and 
eggs,  and  great  simplicity  of  dress. 

There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  this 


220 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


founder  of  a creed  intended,  if  successful,  to  abolish 
almost  all  the  conditions  which  men  in  all  ages  have 
agreed  to  consider  important  for  the  well-being  of 
man  ; for  he  had  nothing  to  gain  by  changes  which 
only  tended  to  lower  the  exalted  position  he  already 
occupied.  And  it  was  this  very  honesty  of  Mazdak, 
his  genuine  enthusiasm,  which  gave  him  such  suc- 
cess. All  ages  and  ranks  crowded  to  hear  him,  and 
multitudes  accepted  his  doctrines.  What  is  more 
strange  and  unaccountable,  King  Kobad  became  a 
convert  to  the  persuasive  eloquence  of  Mazdak,  and 
by  his  influence  did  much  to  bring  about  a state  of 
things  that,  if  unchecked,  would  reduce  Persia  to  a 
condition  of  anarchy  and  ruin. 

The  mobeds  or  magian  clergy,  together  with  the 
nobles,  were  overwhelmed  with  dread  of  the  results 
of  this  tremendous  revolution,  unless  decisive  meas- 
ures were  speedily  adopted  to  put  an  end  to  disorders 
which  must  prove  fatal  to  the  country  if  allowed  to 
continue.  The  protection  extended  by  the  sovereign 
added  enormously  to  the  danger.  The  Armenians 
themselves  were  also  incensed  to  such  a degree  by 
the  attempts  of  the  governor  appointed  by  Kobad  to 
force  the  new  religion  into  Armenia,  that  they  sum- 
moned the  emperor  at  Constantinople  to  invade 
Persia  and  rescue  it  from  one  of  the  most  dangerous 
attacks  yet  made  on  social  order  and  law. 

This  was  no  time  for  hesitation  ; the  nobles  of  Persia 
assembled  in  council  and  solemnly  agreed  to  depose 
King  Kobad,  whose  protection  had  encouraged  the 
new  movement  to  such  dimensions.  Kobad  was 
helpless  when  not  a nobleman  in  the  empire  was  on 


FROM  SAPOR  II.  TO  CIIOSROES  I. 


221 


his  side.  He  was  thrown  into  the  Castle  of  Oblivion, 
a fortress  such  as  every  Oriental  capital  possesses, 
and  his  brother,  Zamasp,  was  chosen  king  in  his 
stead.  After  this  Mazdak  was  seized,  but  when  he 
was  about  to  be  executed,  his  followers  arose  and 
rescued  him.  Owing  to  their  numbers,  it  was  consid- 
ered prudent  to  leave  him  unmolested,  on  condition 
that  he  remained  in  retirement. 

Zamasp  was  urged  to  put  his  brother  out  of  the 
way ; but  he  was  of  a merciful  disposition,  and  soon 
learned  to  his  cost  that  mercy  may  sometimes  be 
ill  placed.  Kobad  succeeded  in  effecting  his  escape 
from  confinement,  and  fled  to  Kush-nevaz,  king  of 
the  Ephthalites,  who  gave  him  his  daughter  in  mar- 
riage, and  thirty  thousand  stout  warriors  to  restore 
him  to  his  throne.  Zamasp  declined  to  contest  a 
position  he  doubtless  felt  rightfully  belonged  to 
Kobad,  and  peacefully  resigned  the  sceptre.  But, 
according  to  Procopius,  a reliable  historian,  he  was 
cruelly  blinded  by  Kobad. 

The  second  reign  of  Kobad  continued  thirty  years. 
H e was  careful  not  to  risk  the  rebellion  of  the  nobles 
a second  time,  and  announced  that,  while  he  con- 
tinued theoretically  to  believe  in  the  doctrines  of 
Mazdak,  he  could  not  as  a sovereign  allow  them  to 
be  put  in  practice.  This  was  a shrewd  device  to 
soothe  his  conscience  without  forfeiting  his  position  ; 
but  it  had  the  effect  of  checking  the  growth  of  the 
new  sect,  which  had  thriven  on  the  royal  favor. 

Peace  had  now  continued  between  the  Persian  and 
the  Roman  empires  for  nearly  eighty  years.  The 
Roman  empire  had  by  this  time  been  divided  into 


222 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


the  eastern  and  the  western  empires,  Rome  being 
the  capital  of  the  latter,  and  Constantinople  of  the 
former,  although  both  for  some  ages  yet  were  under 
the  rule  of  the  emperor  who  made  Constantinople 
his  capital.  Anastasias  was  emperor  when  war  at 
last  broke  out  between  Persia  and  Rome.  Kobad 
was  a general  of  more  than  average  ability,  and 
whenever  he  conducted  the  campaign  in  person, 
victory  attended  his  arms.  The  capture  of  the  im- 
portant city  of  Amida,  after  a siege  of  eighty  days, 
was  creditable  to  the  skill  of  Kobad.  While  he 
remained  at  the  head  of  his  armies  in  the  west,  the 
advantages  of  the  war  were  with  Persia.  But  the 
Ephthalites,  in  the  northeast,  demanded  his  atten- 
tion, and  for  ten  years  he  was  engaged  in  hostilities 
with  them.  As  that  was  the  most  dangerous  enemy 
to  overcome,  Kobad  left  the  charge  of  the  war  with 
Rome  to  his  generals,  who,  without  suffering  a de- 
cisive disaster,  allowed  the  advantages  he  had  gained 
to  be  frittered  away.  The  “ Great  King,”  therefore, 
proposed  terms  of  peace,  which  were  accepted,  agree- 
ing for  a large  sum  of  gold  to  abandon  Amida ; the 
Roman  emperor,  Anastasius,  gave  solemn  promises 
in  return  to  leave  matters  as  they  were,  a compact 
he  entirely  failed  to  keep,  by  strengthening  the 
Roman  frontier  with  a series  of  fortresses  he  caused 
to  be  built  at  points  that  in  any  future  war  made  it 
easier  for  Rome  to  attack  her  rival  or  to  repel  inva- 
sions. Russia,  in  our  day,  pursues  an  insincere 
policy  in  peace  similar  to  that  of  the  Graeco-Roman 
emperor.  Treachery  finds  expression  in  all  ages. 

Hostilities  were  about  to  be  resumed  between  the 


FROM  SAPOR  II.  TO  CHOSROES  I. 


223 


two  empires,  Justin  having  succeeded  Anastasius, 
when  the  attention  of  Kobad  was  again  called  to  a 
renewal  of  the  disturbances  created  by  the  arch- 
heretic Mazdak  and  his  followers.  For  twenty  years, 
under  the  tacit  protection  of  Kobad,  they  had  pros- 
pered. But  as  that  monarch  was  growing  old,  they 
perceived  that  with  his  successor  might  come  perse- 
cution and  extinction.  Kobad  had  four  sons,  of 
whom  three  were  bitterly  opposed  to  the  communism 
of  Mazdak,  the  more  especially  as  the  prophet  had 
actually  demanded  of  Kobad  one  of  his  wives,  the 
mother  of  Chosroes,  in  pursuance 
of  his  peculiar  doctrines.  Phthas- 
uarsas,  the  third  son,  was  a convert 
to  the  teachings  of  Mazdak,  but 
had  no  prospect  of  succeeding  his 
father. 

These  sectaries  agreed  to  per- 
suade Kobad  to  appoint  Phthas-  varahran  v. 

uarsas  as  his  successor  if  he  would  agree  to  con- 
tinue the  protection  they  then  enjoyed.  Before 
the  scheme  was  ripe  Kobad  learned  of  it,  but 
in  such  a manner  as  to  lead  him  to  conclude  that  a 
plot  was  on  foot  to  drag  him  from  the  throne.  This 
was  a conspiracy  of  a sort  peculiarly  offensive  to  an 
Eastern  king,  and  Kobad  took  his  part  accordingly 
and  at  once. 

He  invited  all  the  Mazdakites  to  assemble  in 
order  to  witness  the  investment  of  Phthasuarsas  with 
royal  honors.  Troops  were  secretly  posted  to  sur- 
round the  unarmed  multitude,  and  at  a given  signal, 
the  entire  assembly  was  put  to  the  sword.  Having 


224 


THE  STORY  OF  PER  S/A. 


in  this  emphatic  manner  proclaimed  his  return  to 
Zoroastrianism,  Kobad  entered  into  a war  with 
Gurgenes,  the  Prince  of  Iberia,  on  the  shores  of  the 
Black  Sea,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  forcing  the 
Iberians  to  abandon  Christianity  for  Magianism.  A 
point  about  which  Kobad  was  especially  strenuous 
was  in  regard  to  the  last  rites  to  the  dead.  The 
Iberians,  according  to  Christian  custom,  had  ceme- 
teries, and  laid  the  dead  in  graves.  This  custom  the 
king  wished  them  to  abandon  for  the  Zoroastrian 
method  of  leaving  corpses  within  circular  enclosures, 
but  exposed  to  the  open  air  uncoffined,  to  be  de- 
voured by  ravens  and  vultures.  Gurgenes  was 
defeated,  taking  refuge  in  Lazica,  a mountainous 
region  of  Circassia,  and  Iberia  became  a Persian 
province. 

One  of  the  last  events  of  the  long  reign  of  Kobad 
was  the  re-opening  of  hostilities  with  Rome.  The 
celebrated  Justinian  had  recently  become  emperor; 
the  Persian  armies  were  conducted  by  the  sons  of 
Kobad.  This  war  was  chiefly  distinguished  by  a 
crushing  defeat  sustained  by  the  great  Belisarius 
at  the  hands  of  Xerxes,  a son  of  Kobad,  whose  army 
was  inferior  in  numbers  to  that  of  the  Romans. 
This  memorable  battle  took  place  near  Nisibis,  in 
529  A.D.  ; it  probably  presented  the  only  instance 
during  a long  career  of  victory,  that  Belisarius  was 
forced  to  seek  flight  from  the  field.  Belisarius  re- 
trieved his  honor  in  the  following  campaign,  by 
defeating  the  Persian  army  at  Daras,  commanded  by 
Perozes  and  Barsamenes.  The  battle  was  long  and 
obstinate,  but  at  last  terminated  in  the  death  of 


FROM  SAPOR  II.  TO  CHOSROES  I.  225 

Barsamenes  and  the  rout  of  his  army.  This  was  the 
first  great  battle  won  by  the  Romans  over  the 
Persians  for  nearly  two  centuries,  and  Belisarius  was 
too  conscious  of  the  prowess  of  his  enemy  to  risk 
the  laurels  already  won,  by  a pursuit  of  the  retreating 
host.  The  following  year  the  Persians, 
in  turn,  retrieved  their  fortunes  and 
closed  the  war  by  another  hard-won 
victory  over  Belisarius  at  Callinicus. 

Kobad  showed  of  Avhat  stuff  he  was 
made,  by  expressing  serious  disatisfac- 

, ^ ^ COIN  OF  CHOS- 

tion  with  his  general  because  he  had  roes  i. 
not  made  his  victory  complete  by  capturing  Belisa- 
rius and  his  army. 

Soon  after  these  events,  glorious  in  the  history  of 
Persia,  Kobad  was  seized  with  paralysis,  and  died  at 
the  age  of  eighty-two.  His  long  reign  had  been 
active,  and  had  materially  contributed  to  strengthen 
the  Persian  empire  and  the  house  of  Sassan.  But 
the  records  describe  this  hero  and  statesman  as  a 
man  cruel  and  capricious,  greater  in  his  conflicts 
abroad  than  in  his  personal  relations  at  home.  It 
is  given  to  few  men  to  be  consistent  under  all 
circumstances. 


XVII. 

CHOSROES  I.,  SURNAMED  ANURSHIRWAN. 

The  final  act  of  the  reign  of  Kobad  was  one  of 
injustice,  in  which  he  allowed  an  excusable  love  for 
the  son  of  his  favorite  wife  to  interfere  with  the 
natural  succession,  and  thus  left  to  his  country  a 
legacy  of  civil  war  and  blood.  Kaoses  or  Kaoos 
was  the  eldest  son,  and  seems  to  have  been  worthy 
to  wield  the  sceptre.  But,  doubtless  through  the 
influence  of  the  mother  of  Chosroes,  that  prince  was 
named  by  Kobad  as  his  successor,  in  a formal  will. 
The  terms  of  the  will  were  ratified  by  the  magians 
and  a majority  of  the  nobles,  and  Chosroes  or  Khosru 
became  king.  The  results  of  this  injustice,  it  must 
be  admitted,  were  ultimately  such  as  to  contribute 
to  the  splendor  of  the  empire  ; but  Chosroes  was  not 
permitted  to  occupy  his  position  without  a struggle 
that  leaves  a stain  on  his  great  renown. 

Besides  the  natural  claims  of  Kaoses,  Zames,  the 
second  son  of  Kobad,  Avas  put  forward  by  a number 
of  nobles  who  considered  him  best  fitted  to  reign, 
perhaps  because  of  the  known  severity  of  Chosroes. 
But  before  the  conspiracy  had  ripened  it  came  to  the 
ears  of  Chosroes.  There  was  no  weakness  in  his 
method  of  crushing  the  opposition.  All  his  brothers 

226 


CHOSROES  /.,  SURNAMED  ANURSHIRWAN.  22/ 

and  his  uncle,  together  with  all  their  male  children, 
were  condemned  to  die  without  delay,  to  the  number 
of  forty.  But  one  escaped,  a youth  named  Kobad, 
who  fled  to  Constantinople,  where  he  remained  the 
rest  of  his  days.  The  great  general,  Chanaranges, 
was  also  executed  for  assisting  Kobad  to  escape. 
The  same  fate  befell  Mebodes,  the  noble  who,  by 
producing  the  will  of  Kobad,  had  secured  the  throne 
for  Chosroes  ; he  had  shown  hesitation  in  obeying 
an  order  of  the  great  king,  who  was  determined  to 
show  that  once  on  the  throne  he  was  supreme. 

Chosroes  continued  the  tremendous  measures  for 
securing  order  in  his  empire,  by  causing  Mazdak, 
who  had  escaped  the  massacre  ordered  by  Kobad,  to 
be  executed,  together  with  no  less  than  one  hundred 
thousand  of  his  followers,  who  had  multiplied  in 
spite  of  the  persecutions  visited  upon  them.  No 
one  but  a man  of  preeminent  ability  could  have 
survived  such  terrible  deeds.  Assassination  or  re- 
volt would  have  hurled  their  author  from  power  if  a 
weak  man.  But  Chosroes  was  a character  so  strong 
and  possessed  of  such  intellectual  force  that  the  peo- 
ple submitted  to  his  authority  without  further  oppo- 
sition, recognizing,  perhaps,  the  stern  necessity  which 
had  driven  the  young  king  to  commence  his  reign 
with  such  fearful  acts  of  retribution.  That  this 
must  have  been  partially  the  case,  seems  evident 
from  the  fact  that  by  universal  acclaim  Chosroes 
has  received  the  title  of  Just. 

While  ruling  with  an  iron  hand,  this  great  monarch, 
unlike  many  Eastern  kings,  administered  justice  with 
discrimination.  Penalties  were  carefully  proportioned 


228 


THE  STORY  OF  RE  RSI  A. 


to  the  crime,  and  rewards  were  granted  when  de- 
served. An  anecdote  has  been  handed  down  which 
illustrates  the  general  opinion  of  the  justice  of  Chos- 
roes  ; while  it  may  excite  a smile  that  a king  should 
be  praised  for  a forbearance  which  is  simply  in  ac- 
cordance with  equity  and  law,  it  should  be  remem- 
bered that  in  despotic  countries  the  wish  of  a king  is 
equivalent  to  a command,  and  that  whenever  he 
so  chooses  he  can  make  might  right.  It  is  related 
that  an  old  woman  had  a small  property  adjoining 
the  park  of  one  of  this  king’s  palaces.  To  carry  out 
his  plans  for  beautifying  the  park,  it  was  necessary  to 
gain  possession  of  the  woman’s  plot  adjoining.  But 
she  refused  to  part  with  it,  saying  that  she  had 
always  lived  there,  and  desired  to  occupy  it  until 
her  death.  The  courtiers  were  amazed  at  the  cour- 
age of  a feeble  woman,  who  dared  to  resist  the  wish 
of  such  a monarch,  and  urged  him  to  seize  it  without 
her  permission.  But  Chosroes  declined  to  persist  in 
the  attempt  to  secure  the  desired  plot  of  ground, 
and  the  old  woman  lived  in  her  little  garden  until 
she  died.  Perhaps  the  monarch  was  moved  by  a 
grim  humor  at  the  spectacle  of  a weak  and  feeble 
woman  having  the  courage  to  resist  his  will. 

Since  the  time  of  Darius  I.  no  sovereign  of  Persia 
did  so  much  to  improve  the  administration  of  the 
laws  and  the  condition  of  the  people.  It  is  the  uni- 
versal opinion  of  the  historians  of  this  reign  that  the 
adminstration  of  internal  affairs  was  of  a high  order. 
One  of  the  most  important  changes  introduced  by 
Chosroes  was  in  regard  to  the  satrapies,  which  were 
so  numerous  that  it  was  difficult  for  the  sovereign  to 


CHO SHOES  /.,  SURNAMED  ANURSHIRWAN.  229 


give  a personal  attention  to  all  the  quarterly  and  an- 
nual reports  submitted  to  him  by  the  satraps.  He 
therefore  separated  the  satrapies  into  four  divisions, 
to  each  of  which  he  assigned  a head  or  viceroy.  The 
satraps  reported  to  the  viceroys,  who  in  turn  pre- 
sented general  reports  to  the  great  king.  In  order  to 
assure  himself  of  the  substantial  truth  of  the  reports 
concerning  the  condition  of  his  people,  Chosroes 
made  frequent  journeys  through  his  dominions,  and 


PALACE  OF  CHOSROES  L,  AT  CTESIPHON. 


employed  an  army  of  detectives  to  inspect  matters, 
and  to  report  to  him  in  secret.  Cases  of  mal-admin- 
istration  were  not  decided  hastily  by  the  caprice  of 
the  king,  as  so  often  happens  in  Oriental  govern- 
ments, but  they  were  carefully  examined  and  judged 
by  courts  of  inquiry.  The  same  severity  was  shown 
in  cases  of  proved  guilt  against  those  who  plotted  to 
injure  the  people,  as  of  those  who  conspired  against 
the  person  of  the  king.  This  fact  gave  great  satisfac- 


230 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


tion  to  the  public,  who  were  unaccustomed  to  see 
their  rulers  considering  the  interests  of  the  people  as 
of  equal  value  to  their  own.  A case  is  mentioned  in 
which  eighty  tax-collectors  were  executed  for  ex- 
tortion. 

The  establishment  of  a fixed  tax  on  land  was  also 
an  improvement  over  the  old  system,  which  required 
a certain  proportion  of  the  crops  to  go  to  the  crown, 
and  the  farmer  could  not  reap  his  crops  until  the 
officers  of  the  government  came  and  gathered  the 
tax  off  the  field.  Great  hardship  was  often  pro- 
duced by  this  method  of  collecting  the  imposts. 
Stated  taxes  were  also  placed  by  Chosroes  on  the 
fruit-trees  and  personal  property.  He  also  interested 
himself  greatly  in  improving  the  condition  of  agricul- 
ture. The  army  was  likewise  remodelled,  and  a pay- 
master-general was  appointed  to  inspect  the  troops, 
and  see  that  they  received  what  they  were  entitled 
to — no  more  and  no  less.  Frauds  had  often  been  per- 
petrated on  the  royal  treasury  through  the  looseness 
of  the  military  organization,  and  the  reforms  of 
Chosroes  were  intended  to  prevent  further  robbery 
of  the  revenues,  as  well  as  to  increase  the  discipline 
and  efficiency  of  the  army. 

The  roads  oyer  the  empire  were  carefully  repaired 
during  this  reign,  and  as  the  country  was  but  thinly 
peopled  in  many  parts,  post-houses  were  erected  and 
guards  stationed  at  many  points  to  afford  comfort 
and  security  to  travellers.  Chosroes  also,  unlike 
most  Orientals,  encouraged  the  entrance  and  settle- 
men  of  foreigners  in  his  dominions. 

Indeed  his  appears  to  have  been  one  of  those  rare 


CHOSROES  /.,  SURNAMED  ANURSHIRWAN,  23 1 

minds  which  seek  all  knowledge  for  their  portion  and 
find  expansion  in  almost  every  form  of  experience 
and  activity.  What  encouragement  the  arts  found 
from  his  patronage  we  may  learn  from  the  remains 
of  the  great  palace  he  erected  at  Ctesiphon,  of  which 
an  illustration  is  given  in  this  volume.  The  central  arch 
of  this  wonderful  structure  is  85  feet  high,  72  feet  ‘ 
wide,  and  115  feet  deep.  Although  nothing  now  ex- 
ists of  this  palace  but  the  fagade,  we  may  judge  from 
this  what  must  have  been  the  size  and  beauty  of  the 
structure  before  it  had  been  destroyed  by  time  and 
war. 

Chosroes  also  found  leisure  to  gratify  his  taste  for 
literature  and  philosophy  ; and  as  a patron  of  all 
learning,  founded  a large  university  at  Shapoor.  He 
is  said  to  have  given  considerable  attention  to  a study 
of  the  Greek  classics.  It  was  doubtless  the  breadth 
of  his  mental  vision  that  made  him  tolerant  of  all 
religions.  The  persecution  of  the  Mazdakites  was  in  all 
probability  because  of  their  crimes  against  the  state, 
rather  than  their  beliefs.  He  early  stated  it  as  a 
maxim  of  his  governments,  that  it  was  with  the 
deeds  and  not  the  thoughts  of  men  that  he  con- 
cerned himself.  This  shows  a very  extraordinary 
character  of  mind,  when  we  consider  what  crimes 
have  in  all  ages  been  committed  in  every  European 
country  in  the  name  of  religion  under  forms  of  law. 
The  king  permitted  one  of  his  wives  to  practise  the 
Christian  religion  in  his  own  palace  ; and  when  her 
son  professed  the  same  faith,  Chosroes  only  forbade 
him  to  go  abroad,  lest  he  should  become  a proselyter. 
The  prince  ill  requited  his  father  for  exhibiting  a toler- 


232 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


ance  that  was  altogether  unknown  elsewhere  in  that 
age.  Learning  from  a false  rumor  that  the  king  had 
died  on  a distant  campaign,  the  royal  youth  escaped 
from  the  palace  and  summoned  all  the  Christians  in 
Persia  to  arise  and  overthrow  the  Zoroastrians.  The 
rebellion  made  considerable  headway  before  it  was 
defeated.  According  to  some  records  the  prince  fell 
on  the  field,  and  according  to  others  he  was  captured 
and  taken  before  Chosroes,  who  allowed  him  to  live 
but  maimed  in  such  manner  that  he  could  not,  ac- 
cording to  Persian  law,  inherit  the  succession. 

The  reign  of  Anurshirwan  the  Just  was  the  Au- 
gustan period  of  Persian  history  previous  to  modern 
times.  The  greatness  of  this  sovereign  as  an  admin- 
istrator would  alone  have  made  his  fame  secure. 
But  his  capacity  was  still  further  exhibited  by  the 
fact  that  he  was,  in  addition  to  all  his  other  talents, 
the  greatest  general  of  his  time,  and  one  of  the 
greatest  Persia  has  produced.  His  exertions  for 
the  improvement  of  his  people  and  the  cultiva- 
tion of  his  own  tastes  were  expended  during  brief 
intervals  snatched  from  the  long  campaigns  against 
Romans  and  barbarians.  Wherever  his  stern  eye 
surveyed  the  field  of  action,  whether  in  the  protract- 
ed march,  the  siege,  or  the  battle,  success  perched 
on  the  leathern  banner  of  Persia,  and  added  to  her 
renown. 

Repeatedly  Justinian,  the  Emperor  of  Constanti- 
nople, was  forced  to  purchase  a peace  by  agreeing  to 
pay  tribute  annually  to  Chosroes.  This  was  done  on 
the  plea  that  the  great  king  agreed  with  the  money 
to  keep  the  Ephthalites,  or  White  Huns,  out  of  the 


CHOSROES  /.,  SURNAMED  ANURSHIRWAN.  233 

Roman  dominions ; but  in  reality  it  was  a tribute 
paid  to  keep  Chosroes  himself  out  of  the  territories 
of  Justinian.  This  was  undoubtedly  the  case  with 
the  treaty  concluded  in  the  year  557  A.D. 

It  was  after  that  treaty  allowed  him  to  turn  his  at- 
tention to  other  quarters  that  Chosroes  undertook  the 
expedition  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Abyssinians  from 
Arabia.  Newly  converted  to  a sort  of  hybrid  Chris- 
tianity, and  burning  with  zeal,  the  Abyssinians  had 
crossed  the  Red  Sea  and  established  themselves  in 
Arabia  Felix,  in  the  province  of  Yemen,  whence 
they  ruled  most  of  the  peninsula.  If  permitted  to 
remain  there  they  might  soon  become  a formidable 
foe,  who  would,  in  alliance  with  Rome,  attack  the 
Persian  armies  on  the  flank  when  engaged  with  that 
power.  Chosroes,  therefore,  listened  cordially  to 
the  entreaties  of  the  Arabians,  and  sent  an  army  to 
their  assistance  by  sea.  The  Abyssinians  were 
totally  defeated  and  expelled  from  Arabia,  which, 
under  a marzpan,  or  Persian  viceroy,  became  a vassal 
of  Persia. 

In  the  wars  with  the  Ephthalites,  or  White  Huns, 
Chosroes  was  also  completely  successful  ; they  were 
driven  back  with  great  losses,  including  the  death  of 
their  king  on  the  battle-field.  In  only  one  quarter 
was  Chosroes  unsuccessful ; this  was  in  Lazica,  on 
the  shores  of  the  Black  Sea.  He  desired  to  gain  a 
foothold  at  that  point,  with  the  hope  of  annoying 
the  Romans  by  the  fleets  he  proposed  to  launch  on 
the  Euxine.  The  very  great  importance  of  prevent- 
ing the  “ Great  King  ” from  gaining  such  a tremen- 
dous advantage,  led  the  Romans,  on  the  other  hand, 


234 


THE  STORY  OF  FERSIA. 


to  make  almost  incredible  exertions  to  prevent  the 
success  of  his  designs  on  Lazica.  Notwithstanding 
this,  Chosroes  would  have  won  his  point  but  for  the 
untimely  death  of  the  great  general,  Mermeroes, 
who  died  of  old  age  at  the  moment  when  the  final 
triumph  was  at  hand.  His  successor,  Nachorogan, 
wasted  the  advantages  previously  gained,  and  Chos- 
roes, declining  to  throw  away  any  more  armies  in  so 
distant  a quarter,  resigned  Lazica  to  Justinian  for  a 
payment  of  gold. 

The  Lazic  war  was  signalized  by  many  heroic  in- 
cidents. The  defence  of  the  rock-fortress  of  Petra  is 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  in  history.  The  Persians 
had  captured  it  after  great  effort,  and  it  was  garri-^ 
soned  with  fifteen  hundred  men  when  the  Romans 
appeared  before  it.  The  siege  continued  until  only 
three  hundred  of  the  garrison  survived  the  furious 
assaults  of  the  enemy.  The  besieged  were  at  the  last 
gasp  when  Mermeroes  came  to  its  relief  with  thirty 
thousand  men.  The  Romans  hastily  broke  up  the 
camp,  and  the  place  was  garrisoned  with  three  thou- 
sand fresh  troops  and  victualled  for  five  years. 

In  the  following  year  a large  Roman  army  under 
Bessas  succeeded  in  outmanoeuvring  the  Persians, 
and  sat  down  before  the  walls  of  the  redoubtable 
fortress.  Every  device  then  known  in  war  was  em- 
ployed to  capture  or  to  defend  the  place.  The  gar- 
rison made  large  use  of  the  naphtha  and  petroleum 
with  wdiich  the  Caucasus  abounds. 

The  place  finally  fell  by  a combination  of  acci- 
dents. A point  hitherto  considered  inaccessible 
was  scaled  by  the  assailants  at  the  moment  that 


CHOSROES  7.,  SURNAMED  ANURSHIRWAN.  235 


the  long-battered  walls  crumbled  at  two  other 
points.  When  the  Romans  entered  they  found 
scarcely  a man  left  able  to  offer  resistance.  The 
character  of  the  defence  is  shown  by  the  losses 
suffered  by  the  garrison.  Out  of  three  thousand 
men  only  seven  hundred  and  thirty  were  taken 
alive,  and  of  these  only  eighteen  were  unwounded. 
Seven  hundred  fell  during  the  siege  ; one  thousand 
and  seventy  were  slain  in  the  final  assault ; the  re- 
maining five  hundred  threw  themselves  into  the  cita- 

-4 


del,  and,  rather  than  surrender,  fought  until  by  flame 
and  sword  they  perished  to  the  last  man.  The  siege 
of  Petra  is  alone  a sufficient  proof  of  the  indomitable 
heroism  of  the  Persian  soldier  when  led  by  brave 
and  competent  generals. 

Among  the  last  military  exploits  of  the  aged 
Chosroes  was  the  expulsion  of  the  Turkish  hordes, 
who  were  now  beginning  to  make  a figure  in  history 
and  had  ventured  across  the  frontiers  of  Persia. 
Soon  after  this  event  he  conducted  in  person  the 
siege  of  Daras,  the  most  important  Roman  fortress 


236 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  SI  A. 


in  the  southeast,  and  captured  it  after  a desperate 
resistance  of  five  months.  Alarmed  by  the  success 
of  the  “ Great  King,”  whom  the  Romans  supposed 
to  be  too  old  to  exhibit  his  former  prowess,  their 
emperor,  Justin,  hastened  to  purchase  a truce,  of 
which  one  condition  was  the  payment  by  Rome  of 
an  indemnity  of  forty  thousand  gold  aurei. 

Soon  after  these  events  the  venerable  Anurshirwan 
the  Just  died  in  his  palace  at  Ctesiphon,  after  a 
reign  of  forty-eight  years,  during  which  he  had 
carried  the  empire  of  Persia  to  the  highest  pinnacle 
of  glory  and  power. 


XVIII. 

CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 

Chosroes  I.  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Hormazd 
or  Hormisdas,  the  son  of  the  Turkish  princess, 
Fakim.  He  ascended  the  throne  without  opposi- 
tion and  at  the  outset  of  his  reign  exhibited  a most 
promising  disposition,  notwithstanding  that,  like  too 
many  Oriental  sovereigns,  he  put  his  brothers  to 
death,  as  a measure  of  precaution.  But  he  is  said  to 
have  shown  impartiality  in  his  treatment  of  the  rights 
of  the  poor  against  the  great  ; he  also  announced  his 
purpose  of  tolerating  all  religions,  and  advised  the 
magians,  instead  of  persecuting  the  Christians,  to 
pay  more  attention  to  practising  the  maxims  of  their 
own  faith.  It  is  difficult  to  decide  what  were  the 
exact  causes  that  led  to  the  final  unpopularity  and 
downfall  of  Hormazd  ; possibly  it  was  a want  of 
knowledge  of  character  in  dealing  with  men,  or  his 
head  may  have  been  turned  by  too  much  power. 
But  whatever  the  cause,  he  capped  the  climax  by 
degrading  the  great  General  Bahrain  Shobeen  for 
losing  a battle.  This  captain  was  the  head  of  the 
powerful  house  of  Mihran  and  could  ill  brook  the  in- 
sult offered  him  by  the  king,  who  sent  to  the  victor 
in  so  many  campaigns  a distaff  and  cotton  with 


237 


238  THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

a woman’s  dress,  ordering  him  to  give  up  war  for 
spinning. 

The  grizzled  veteran  called  on  his  troops  to  re- 
venge the  insult  offered  to  them  as  well  as  to  him. 
The  army  proclaimed  him  king  of  Persia,  and  he  at 
once  proceeded  to  march  southward  against  the 
capital.  An  army  which  was  sent  against  him 
mutinied  against  the  king,  but,  true  to  instincts  of 
law,  refused  to  fight  for  a pretender  not  of  blood- 
royal,  and  declared  instead  for  Chosroes,  the  son  of 
Hormazd.  The  greatest  disorder  now  prevailed,  and 
chaos  seemed  about  to  bring  about  the  destruction 
of  the  empire.  The  people  were  infuriated  against 
Hormazd  for  the  conduct  which  had  wrought  such 
dire  results.  It  was  not  a time  for  making  nice  dis- 
tinctions, or  considering  too  carefully  what  was  legal 
or  illegal.  The  crisis  required  quick  and  stern  treat- 
ment. The  maternal  uncles  of  Chosroes,  Bindoe, 
and  Vistam,  aided  by  other  nobles,  deposed  Hor- 
mazd and  threw  him  into  prison,  where  he  was 
blinded  in  order  to  incapacitate  him  for  reigning, 
and  soon  after  murdered.  Chosroes  was  appointed 
king  in  the  place  of  his  father.  He  has  been  severely 
judged  for  the  deplorable  events  which  led  to  his 
elevation  to  the  throne,  and  condemned  by  his- 
torians as  a parricide.  But  we  have  no  certain 
knowledge  that  he  ordered  the  death  of  Hormazd, 
or  even  knew  of  it  until  after  the  deed  was  done  by 
which  he  profited.  The  situation  of  the  country 
was  such  as  to  demand  severe  measures,  and  it  is 
quite  likely  that  his  uncles  took  on  themselves  the 
responsibility  for  a crime  which  seemed  a state 


CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 


239 


necessity,  hoping  that  their  nephew  would  grant  his 
approval. 

The  fact  that  after  becoming  strong  on  the  throne 
Chosroes  ordered  their  execution,  seems  to  indicate 
that  he  was  not  a participant  in  the  crime,  and  con- 
sidered that  subjects  who  dared  to  slay  a king,  not 
only  merited  punishment,  but  could  not  be  allowed 
to  live  with  safety  to  the  tranquillity  of  the  state. 
Kings  receive  sufficient  blame  from  the  judgments 
of  history,  and  Chosroes  has  perhaps  justly  come  in 
for  his  share.  It  is  therefore  only,  fair  to  give  him 
the  benefit  of  the  doubt  in  regard  to  the  murder  of 
Hormazd. 

The  prince  who  was  thus  elevated  to  the  throne 
of  the  house  of  Sassan  by  a tragedy  that,  whether 
he  was  to  blame  or  not,  has  left  an  indelible  stain 
on  his  name,  was  destined  to  the  most  remarkable 
career  in  the  history  of  his  dynasty,  and  one  of  the 
most  extraordinary  in  the  annals  of  time.  It  reads 
like  a romance  ; the  vicissitudes  of  its  hero  are  al- 
most without  parallel,  and  the  inconsistences  which 
his  character  displayed,  are  such  as  to  baffle  analysis 
and  make  it  impossible  to  make  a just  estimate  of 
the  man.  From  some  historians  he  receives  un- 
stinted blame  ; by  others  he  is  lauded  as  a great  ad- 
ministrator. He  mounted  to  power  on  the  dead 
body  of  his  father;  he  did  more  than  any  prince  of 
Persia,  except,  perhaps,  Shah  Abass,  to  stimulate 
the  progress  of  the  arts  ; the  generals  he  selected 
expelled  the  Romans  from  Asia  and  Africa,  and  ex- 
tended the  empire  of  Persia  to  limits  only  equalled 
by  Darius  the  Great ; and  in  his  unswerving  love  for 


240 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

one  woman  during  a long  reign,  he  probably  stands 
alone  among  the  kings  of  Persia  ; law  and  order 
reigned  throughout  his  empire  ; and  yet  he  left  the 
reputation  of  having  the  most  extensive  harem  in 
Persian  annals  ; he  lived  to  see  Persia  stripped  of  half 
her  possessions  ; and  he  was  murdered  in  prison — exe- 
crated by  his  people.  Such  is  a brief  statement  of 
the  contradictions  we  are  to  meet  in  reading  the  nar- 
rative of  this  extraordinary  career. 

Chosroes  II.,  called  by  Persians  Parveez,  or  the 
Conqueror,  was  crowned  in  the  summer  of  590  A.D. 
But  while  the  events  which  led  to  his  elevation  w^ere 
occurring,  Bahram  Shobeen  was  approaching  the 
capital  by  rapid  marches.  He  was  a rival  with  whom 
the  young  king  could  not  afford  to  trifle  ; and  Chosroes 
appears  to  have  acted  with  moderation  and  wisdom 
at  this  crisis. 

An  embassy  was  sent  to  Bahram  to  convey  to  him 
a conciliatory  letter  from  the  king.  It  was  not  his 
fault,  urged  Chosroes,  but  his  father’s,  that  Bahram 
had  been  insulted.  As,  therefore,  no  cause  of  griev- 
ance existed  between  them,  Chosroes  invited  Bah- 
ram to  abandon  his  hostile  attitude  and  to  return 
peacefully  to  the  capital,  where  he  was  promised  the 
second  place  in  the  empire.  Chosroes  further  of- 
fered to  confirm  his  promise  by  a royal  oath,  which, 
in  Persia,  made  it  impossible  for  a king  to  recede 
from  a compact. 

In  addressing  this  letter,  Chosroes  styled  himself, 
according  to  the  custom  of  Persian  monarchs  of  that 
period  : “ King  of  kings,  lord  of  lords,  master  of 

masters,  prince  of  peace,  savior  of  mankind,  a virtu- 


CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 


241 


ous  and  immortal  man  before  the  gods,  a most  real 
deity  in  the  sight  of  men,  glorious  beyond  compare, 
a conqueror,  rising  side  by  side  with  the  sun  and 
furnishing  eyes  to  the  night,  of  glorious  ancestry, 
opposed  to  war,  benevolent,  served  by  the  genii,  and 
guardian  of  the  kingdom  of  Persia.”  This  curious 
series  of  grandiloquent  titles  is  thoroughly  Oriental, 


RATSCH-RUSTAM. 


and,  with  some  variations,  is  still  employed  by  the 
sovereigns  of  Persia. 

But  it  does  not  seem  to  have  made  much  impres- 
sion on  Bahram  Shobeen,  who,  in  his  reply,  merely 
addressed  the  king  as  “ Chosroes,  the  son  of  Hor- 
mazd,”  while  he  added  a long  list  of  titles  to  his  own 
name.  He  replied  in  an  insulting  tone,  chiding  him 
for  the  course  he  had  taken,  and  summoning  Chos- 


242  THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 

roes  to  abdicate  the  throne.  He  concluded  by  say- 
ing : “ When  you  have  done  as  I bid,  come  hither, 

and  I will  give  you  the  government  of  a province. 
Else  you  will  perish  like  your  father.” 

Once  more  Chosroes  showed  a singular  modera- 
tion, and  wrote  another  letter,  advising  Bahram  to 
submit  rather  than  force  the  king  to  crush  the  rebel- 
lion with  arms.  No  reply  came  to  the  second  letter, 
and  Chosroes  found  that  the  question  would  have  to 
be  settled  on  the  field.  He  was  able  to  collect  a 
small  army,  and  the  opposing  forces  met  at  Holwan. 
The  king  had  reason  to  suspect  the  fidelity  of  his 
troops,  and  therefore  sought  a personal  interview 
with  Bahram,  which,  however,  resulted  in  increasing 
the  bitterness  of  the  rivals.  Chosroes  manoeuvred 
for  six  days  to  avoid  a decisive  engagement,  in  order 
to  allow  time  to  suggest  some  turn  of  fortune  in  his 
favor.  But  on  the  seventh  night,  Bahram  surprised 
the  royalist  camp,  and  by  inducing  the  troops  to 
desert  Chosroes,  forced  him  to  fly  for  his  life. 

The  king  retreated  to  Ctesiphon,  but  dreading  re- 
sistance against  the  host  of  Bahram  he  decided  to 
seek  assistance  from  one  of  the  powerful  neighbors 
of  his  country.  The  choice  lay  between  Turks, 
Khazars,  Arabs,  and  Romans.  Accompanied  by  his 
wives  and  uncles  and  a slim  escort  of  thirty  horse- 
men, the  fugitive  king  fled  from  Ctesiphon  at  night. 
Once  on  the  open  plain  he  let  the  reins  fall  on  his 
horse’s  neck,  leaving  it  to  destiny  to  decide  in  what 
quarter  he  should  seek  safety  and  assistance.  The 
intelligent  animal  turned  towards  the  Euphrates 
and  Chosroes  accordingly  crossed  the  river,  and,  al- 


CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 


243 


though  sharply  pursued  by  Bahrain,  succeeded  in 
finding  an  asylum  within  the  walls  of  the  Roman 
fortress  of  Circesium. 

The  fugitive  king  was  received  with  due  honor, 
and  at  once  despatched  a letter  to  Maurice,  the 
Emperor  of  Constantinople,  asking  aid  to  put  down 
his  enemies.  After  considerable  discussion  as  to  the 
course  most  likely  to  benefit  Rome, 
counsellors  decided  in  favor  of  Chos- 
roes.  An  imperial  letter  was  sent 
to  him,  promising  him  the  assist- 
ance he  implored,  and  inviting  him 
in  the  meantime  to  accept  hospital- 
ity as  the  guest  and  son  of  the 
emperor.  Persians,  at  that  time 
prisoners  at  Constantinople,  Avere 
released  as  a token  of  good-will,  and 
a powerful  army  of  seventy  thou- 
sand men  was  sent,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Narses,  together  with  a 
large  supply  of  funds,  to  assist  Chos- 
roes  to  recover  his  empire.  But 
the  wily  Greco-Romans  were  not 
granting  all  these  favors  for  naught.  Under  the  - 
cover  of  generosity  Maurice  exacted  from  Chosroes 
the  restoration  of  Persarmenia  and  part  of  Mesopo- 
tamia, together  with  the  very  important  fortress  of 
Daras,  which  had  been  one  of  the  last  trophies  won 
by  Anurshirwan  the  Just. 

During  the  progress  of  these  negotiations  Bahrain 
had  occupied  the  capital  and  announced  himself 
king  of  Persia,  meeting  with  little  opposition  from 


Maurice  and  his 


244 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


the  people,  although  there  appears  to  have  been  but 
little  interest  taken  by  them  in  supporting  a pre- 
tender whose  aim  was  to  supplant  the  great  Sassanian 
dynasty.  But  when  tidings  came  that  Chosroes,  the 
lawful  sovereign,  was  returning  home  with  a power- 
ful army  to  claim  his  own,  then  conspiracies  and  re- 
bellions broke  out  in  many  quarters  against  the 
usurper. 

The  first  engagement  between  the  two  armies  was 
the  suprise  of  Bryzacius,  who  commanded  the  ad- 
vance guard  of  Bahrain  near  the  Euphrates.  He 
was  defeated  and  captured,  and  barbarously  tortured 
and  slain  in  cruel  sport  to  amuse  the  Persian 
and  Roman  generals  at  a banquet.  Zoroastrians 
and  Christians  alike  enjoyed  the  bloody  entertain- 
ment. 

Having  only  a force  inferior  to  that  of  his  antago- 
nist, Bahram  was  outmanoeuvred  and  obliged  to 
leave  the  capital  unprotected  ; Chosroes,  by  a flank 
movement,  re-entered  Ctesiphon,  and  was  at  once 
accepted  by  the  people  as  the  true  sovereign.  A 
usurper  without  the  capital  was  rendered  doubly 
weak,  as  Bahram  now  found  to  his  cost.  But  he 
showed  his  able  generalship  by  a masterly  resistance, 
and  was  only  overcome  at  last  by  the  treachery  and 
desertion  of  his  best  troops  in  a decisive  battle  in 
the  north  of  Persia.  At  a critical  moment  six  thou- 
sand of  his  army  went  over  to  the  enemy.  There 
was  nothing  left  but  to  fly  ; his  wives,  his  children, 
his  treasures,  and  the  crown  were  lost.  He  found  a 
temporary  refuge  with  the  Turks,  only  to  be  followed 
hither  by  the  emissaries  of  Chosroes,  who  caused 


CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 


245 


him  to  be  slain  by  a poisoned  dagger.  Bahram 
Shobeen  was  induced  to  rebel  under  very  great 
provocation,  after  serving  his  country  and  king  long 
and  well  ; such  was  the  condition  of  the  government 
when  he  revolted  that  his  ability  and  experience 
gave  reasonable  promise  that  his  attempt  to  seize 
the  crown  would  be  attended  with  success.  His 
failure  furnishes  another  proof  of  the  great  difficul- 
ties that  every  one  must  encounter  who  undertakes 
a revolt  against  the  established  order  of  things.  The 
instincts  of  order  in  every  people  sooner  or  later  de- 
mand the  vindication  of  law. 

Chosroes  Parveez  commenced  his  second  reign, 
591  A.D.,  and  he  continued  in  possession  of  the 
crown  for  thirty-seven  years.  Success  had  thus  far 
crowned  the  efforts  of  Parveez,  but  he  had  great 
difficulties  to  contend  with  still  before  he  could  feel 
himself  secure.  The  method  by  which  he  had  at- 
tained to  power — the  murder  of  his  father,  even  if  he 
were  innocent  of  it,  and  the  aid  of  the  hereditary 
enemy,  Rome — caused  his  subjects  to  exhibit  apathy, 
or  hate.  The  murmurs  of  the  people,  by  which  he 
was  accused  of  parricide,  reached  his  ear.  He  felt 
that  it  was  necessary  to  vindicate  his  name  and 
pacify  the  country  by  forgetting  the  debt  of  grati- 
tude he  owed  to  Bindoe  and  Vastam,  the  uncles  who 
had  murdered  Hormasd,  and  shown  such  devotion 
towards  Chosroes  during  his  afflictions.  He  there- 
fore decided  to  order  the  execution  of  the  former 
and  commanded  the  latter  to  leave  his  satrapy  in 
the  north  and  return  to  the  court.  But  Vastam 
suspected  the  purpose  of  his  nephew,  and  instead  of 


246 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


obeying,  revolted,  and  established  a separate  gov- 
ernment in  Media  with  Rhei  for  his  capital.  There 
Vastam  succeeded  in  maintaining  himself  for  several 
years,  until  Chosroes  by  promising  to  marry  the 
wife  of  Vastam  induced  her  to  assassinate  her  hus- 
band. Such  dark  examples  of  domestic  intrigue  are 
unhappily  not  rare  in  history,  especially  of  the  East. 

It  is  quite  impossible,  with  the  imperfect  re- 
cords we  have  concerning  a large  portion  of  Persian 
history,  to  form  a conclusion  as  to  the  conduct  of 
Chosroes  in  these  transactions.  But  it  certainly 
seems  as  if  something  must  be  allowed  in  his  favor 
as  after  this  he  gained  the  esteem  of  his  people  and 
carried  the  empire  to  the  highest  point  of  splendor, 
prosperity,  and  power  which  it  has  reached  during 
the  twenty-six  centuries  that  have  elapsed  since  the 
birth  of  Cyrus.  This,  too,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he 
was  inclined  to  favor  Christianity,  if  he  did  not  act- 
ually profess  that  religion.  He  adopted  Sergius,  a 
Christian  martyr,  as  his  patron  saint,  and  on  one 
occasion  at  least  gave  the  credit  of  the  success  of  his 
arms  to  the  influence  of  that  saint. 

The  favorite  wife  of  Chosroes,  the  celebrated 
Shireen,  was  a Christian.  He  was  most  tenderly 
attached  to  her,  and  it  is  the  testimony  of  all  the 
historians  of  the  time  that  he  continued  true  to  her 
until  his  death.  Indeed  his  untimely  end  was  pre- 
cipitated by  his  desire  to  name  her  son  as  his  suc- 
cessor instead  of  the  lawful  heir.  The  love  of 
Chosroes  and  Shireen  is  famous  throughout  the 
East ; it  has  passed  into  legend  and  poetry,  and 
the  greatest  poets  of  Persia  have  found  it  a con- 


CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 


247 


genial  theme  for  their  muse.  Through  her  in- 
fluence Chosroes  was  induced  to  allow  her  to  build 
numerous  churches  and  monasteries  near  the  capital. 
When  she  died  he  immortalized  her  image  in  some 
of  the  noblest  sculpture  of  the  time,  and  sent  her 
statue  to  the  emperor  of  Rome  and  other  sovereigns, 
both  in  her  honor  and  to  testify  to  his  grief.  Such 
conjugal  affection  reflects  the  highest  credit  on  both, 
and  shows,  we  think,  beyond  cavil,  that  this  prince 
must  have  been  possessed  of  some  noble  traits  of 
character,  that  went  far  to  redeem  his  fame  from  the 
attacks  that  have  been  made  upon  it. 


Another  fact  shows  the  good  that  was  in  his  na- 
ture. During  the  reign  of  the  emperor  Maurice, 
who  had  aided  him  to  recover  his  kingdom,  Chosroes 
Parveez  refrained  for  twelve  years  from  hostilities 
with  Rome.  On  the  contrary,  the  most  friendly  re- 
lations continued  between  the  two  sovereigns,  until 
the  deposition  and  assassination  of  Maurice  by 
Phocas.  But  when  Phocas  sent  an  envoy  to  Chosroes 
to  announce  his  coronation^  the  king  threw  the  en- 
voy, Lilius,  into  prison,  and  declaring  his  purpose  to 
avenge  the  murder  of  one  to  whom  he  owed  so 


248 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


much,  commanded  his  armies  to  invade  the  terri- 
tories of  Rome. 

Chosroes  led  the  first  campaign  in  person  and  de- 
feated and  slew  the  Roman  general  Germanus.  He 
followed  this  victory  by  another  at  Arxamus,  where 
a large  part  of  the  Roman  army  was  forced  to  sur- 
render. After  these  successes  Chosroes  opened  the 
siege  of  the  great  fortress  of  Daras,  and  took  it  after 
nine  months.  Chosroes  continued  his  triumphant 
progress  by  capturing  stronghold  after  stronghold, 
and  in  609  carried  the  war  into  Syria.  These  opera- 
tions were  conducted  by  Chosroes  in  person,  and 
won  for  him  the  title  of  Parveez.  We  think  they 
sufficiently  disprove  the  charges  of  cowardice 
brought  against  himi,  and  show  that  he  had  mili- 
tary ability  of  a high  order. 

If,  after  this,  he  preferred  to  leave  the  conduct  of 
his  campaigns  to  his  generals,  he  only  acted  like 
many  great  monarchs  who  have  shown  that  they 
knew  how  to  select  the  men  fit  to  fight  the  battles 
of  the  country,  while  the  chief  of  the  state  remained 
at  his  capital  to  administer  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
kingdom,  which  often  require  patience,  skill,  and  wis- 
dom. That  Chosroes  Parveez  did  so  conduct  the 
civil  administration  of  his  country  while  he  was  able 
to  push  his  conquests  over  a vast  extent  of  territory, 
is  abundantly  proved  by  the  statements  of  historians 
who  were  not  over  friendly. 

One  of  the  greatest  generals  of  Chosroes  was 
Shahr  Barz.  He  was  a man  of  vast  energy  and 
great  ambition,  not  easily  discouraged  by  defeat. 
In  614  Shahr  Barz  captured  Damascus,  and  invested 


CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 


249 


Jerusalem.  The  Holy  City  fell  after  a siege  of 
eighteen  days  and  was  sacked.  The  churches  were 
burned  and  the  shrines  stripped  of  their  treasure. 
Over  fifty  thousand  of  the  inhabitants  were  massa- 
cred, and  thirty-five  thousand  carried  into  slavery, 
including  the  venerable  patriarch,  Zacharias.  The 
True  Cross,  as  it  was  reputed  to  be,  was  also  carried 
to  Ctesiphon  and  given  to  the  charge  of  the  fair 
Shireen,  who  preserved  it  with  profound  veneration. 

In  616  Shahr  Barz  led  the  banners  of  Persia  to 
Egypt,  captured  the  great  and  wealthy  city  of  Alex- 
andria, and  extended  the  authority  of  Chosroes 
Parveez  as  far  as  Ethiopia.  The  importance  of  this 
conquest  may  be  realized  if  we  consider  the  fact  that 
over  nine  centuries  had  passed  since  the  Egyptians 
had  thrown  off  the  yoke  of  Persia.  During  all  that 
interval  a Persian  soldier  had  not  been  seen  in 
Egypt. 

While  these  operations  were  proceed- 
ing in  the  southwest,  another  Persian 
army  was  launched  by  Chosroes  Parveez 
across  Asia  Minor.  The  victorious  veter- 
ans of  Persia,  who  in  their  chain  armor 
and  steel  helmets  had  for  so  many 
ages  marched  from  land  to  land  uphold-  domestic 
ing  the  glory  of  their  race  and  religion,  fire-altar. 
were  now  hurled  over  regions  they  had 
not  trod  since  the  time  of  Xerxes.  The  legions  of 
Rome  were  driven  back  by  the  resistless  advance  of 
the  Persian  horse,  led  by  the  great  general  Shahen, 
until  on  the  shores  of  the  Bosphorus  they  looked 
down  from  the  heights  of  Chalcedon  on  the  glitter- 


250 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


ing  domes  and  spires  of  Constantinople,  the  very 
capital  of  the  Roman  empire.  After  a siege  of  sev- 
eral months  Chalcedon  fell,  in  the  year  617. 

It  was  a remarkable  spectacle  which  now  unfolded 
itself  to  the  historian.  After  a war  of  fifteen  years, 
of  all  the  vast  regions  which  the  legions  of  Rome, 
led  by  Caesar,  Pompey,  Lucullus,  Antony,  Aurelian, 
Trajan,  Belisarius,  and  many  other  great  captains, 
had  conquered  in  Asia  and  Eastern  Africa  during 
successive  ages,  there  now  remained  not  a foot  which 
Rome  could  claim  as  her  own.  It  was  the  proudest 
hour  in  the  history  of  Persia. 

Chosroes  Parveez,  as  he  surveyed  his  empire  from 
the  towers  of  his  sumptuous  palace  at  Ctesiphon, 
could  with  justice  assume  that  none  before  him  on 
the  Persian  throne  had  held  such  vast  power,  and 
that  for  ages  to  come  there  would  be  hardly  one  to 
equal  or  surpass  him  for  the  splendor  of  his  court, 
the  vastness  of  his  riches,  the  extent  of  his  domin- 
ions, the  influence  of  his  great  men  in  council,  and 
the  power  of  his  armies  in  the  field.  At  his 
audiences  held  in  his  magnificent  pavilion  at  sunrise 
Chosroes  Parveez,  or  the  Conqueror,  received  dis- 
patches from  his  governors  in  Egypt,  Arabia,  and 
Babylonia,  in  Syria,  Asia  Minor,  and  Mesopotamia, 
in  Cordoyne,  Armenia,  and  Media,  in  Parthia, 
Hyrcania,  Bactria,  Sogdiana,  Arachosia,  Gedrosia, 
Carmania,  and  Persis.  - About  him  were  gathered 
in  stately  robes  of  office  dark-bearded  men,  magians 
and  nobles,  wise  men  and  generals  of  exalted  rank, 
grave  in  deportment,  of  large  experience,  trembling 
at  every  utterance  of  him  who  sat  on  the  throne, 


CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 


25 


yet  proud  that  one  of  such  ability  wielded  the  des- 
tiny of  their  country  and  reflected  glory  on  them 
and  their  native  land.  Every  moment,  from  the 
lofty  gates  of  the  palace  swift  horsemen  dashed 
forth,  carrying  the  decrees  and  the  commands  of 
the  “Asylum  of  the  Universe”  to  rulers,  princes, 
and  generals,  in  every  corner  of  his  vast  dominions. 
Was  it  strange  that  he  who  had  so  many  interests 
to  consider,  and  whose  decisions  none  dared  dispute, 
should  sometimes  act  unjustly  and  perhaps  with- 
out intention  show  caprice  or  cruelty? 

The  spacious  halls  and  saloons,  the  winter  and 
summer  apartments,  the  bowers  and  pavilions  of  his 
palace,  were  enriched  with  the  spoils  of  empires ; 
artists  from  all  lands  had  wrought  on  the  choice 
objects,  the  carvings,  the  embroideries,  the  mosaics, 
the  paintings,  which  lent  such  voluptuous  comfort  and 
splendor  to  wall  and  ceiling  and  floor.  The  artisans 
of  Greece  had  been  invited  to  assist  the  Persian 
sculptor  to  decorate  the  marble  pillars  and  emblazon 
the  achievements  of  the  Great  King  on  the  rocks  of 
the  everlasting  hills.  Carpets  woven  of  soft  woollen 
and  silk  and  embroidered  with  pearls  and  gems  cov- 
ered the  vast  floors,  sometimes  over  four  hundred 
feet  long  in  one  piece,  and  the  ceilings  were  sup- 
ported on  pillars  of  silver.  What  were  the  archi- 
tectural and  glyptic  successes  of  the  artists  whose 
genius  was  encouraged  by  the  patronage  of  Parveez, 
we  may  still  judge  in  part  by  the  sculptures  of  the 
triumphal  arch  at  Tacht-i-Bostan,  and  the  elaborate 
decorations  of  the  palace  of  Machita,  also  con- 
structed during  this  reign.  These  works  and  the 


252 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


description  we  have  of  others  long  since  destroyed, 
serve  to  prove  the  breadth  of  mind  possessed  by 
Parveez.  We  have  seen  that  he  had  military  ability, 
and  that  in  administration  he  showed  not  only 
energy  but  great  executive  genius.  To  this  we  now 
find  that  he  added  a refined  love  of  the  arts,  and  a men- 
tal expansion  that  enabled  him  to  see  the  relations 
of  things,  and  hence  to  desire  to  produce  an  equal 
development  in  the  various  powers  and  resources 
of  his  country. 

It  was  probably  only  with  a view  to  carry  out  the 
same  purpose  of  symmetry  in  all  the  affairs  of  the 
empire  that  he  gave  to  the  domestic  arrangements 
of  the  royal  household  a luxury  that  is  unsurpassed 
in  all  the  glowing  records  of  Eastern  courts.  The 
account  of  the  treasures  found  in  his  palace  at  Das- 
tagerd  baffles  description,  and  would  exceed  belief 
did  we  not  know  from  what  sources  and  for  how 
many  ages  Persia  had  been  rifling  the  treasure- 
houses  of  the  nations  ; and  also  consider  as  well  that 
wealth  in  that  period  was  far  less  distributed  than 
at  the  present  day. 

The  appointments  of  the  court  of  Chosroes  Par- 
veez included  i,ooo  elephants,  12,000  white  camels, 
and  50,000  horses,  asses,  and  mules.  These  were 
rendered  necessary  for  a royal  escort  when  he  rode 
forth,  as  well  as  to  transport  the  tents  and  baggage 
when  the  Great  King  went  to  his  hunting  grounds 
with  wives  and  handmaidens,"^  of  whom  he  had  a 
more  numerous  supply  than  any  sovereign  of  whom 

* Even  in  our  time  the  Shah  of  Persia  maintains  a large  number  of 
animals  for  his  frequent  excursions. 


CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 


253 


there  is  any  record.  In  his  harem  were  no  less  than 
three  thousand  concubines  or  inferior  wives,  who 
were  attended  by  twelve  thousand  female  servants. 
As  the  testimony  of  the  historians  of  the  time  uni- 
versally declares  that  Chosroes  was  true  to  his 
beloved  Shireen  until  her  death,  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  these  concubines  were  kept  by 
him  for  the  purpose  of  adding  to  the  ostentatious 
splendor  of  a great  court.  Although  it  is  possible 
that  after  her  death  he  may  have  abandoned  himself 
to  the  seductive  blandishments  by  which  he  was 
surrounded.  If  this  were  proved  to  be  the  case  we 
should  be  the  better  able  to  explain  the  remarkable 
turn  of  fortune  which  in  the  end  clouded  the  star  of 
his  destiny. 

We  have  seen  the  power  and  magnificence  of 
Chosroes  Parveez,  almost  transcending  the  bounds 
of  reality  and  bordering  on  the  dazzling  fancies  of 
fiction.  But  we  are  now  to  see  him  under  other  cir- 
cumstances so  opposite,  so  dramatic,  and  so  tragic  that 
it  is  difficult  to  believe  we  are  dealing  with  actual 
events.  The  action  moves  with  the  rapidity  of  a 
drama ; scene  after  scene  follows  with  unexpected 
force  and  cumulative  power,  until  the  final  stroke  of 
doom  closes  the  tremendous  tragedy. 

In  the  year  617  we  have  seen  the  eager  warriors  of 
Persia  within  a mile  of  the  capital  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire. Only  a mile  of  water  separated  the  victorious 
army  from  the  trophy  which,  if  captured,  would  have 
laid  the  world  at  the  feet  of  Chosroes  Parveez.  The 
emperor,  Heraclius,  was  in  despair.  He  had  actually 
placed  his  family  and  treasures  on  board  ships  to 


254 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


seek  his  fortune,  elsewhere.  His  galley  had  already 
sailed,  and  he  himself  was  preparing  to  follow  secret- 
ly, to  join  it  at  another  port,  probably  with  the  in- 
tention of  making  Carthage  his  destination  and 
there  to  make  a final  stand  for  the  empire.  But  at 
the  last  moment  his  plans  were  suspected  by  the 
people  he  was  about  to  forsake.  A great  tumult 
shook  the  imperial  city,  and  the  people,  with  the 
patriarch  at  their  head,  compelled  the  emperor  to 
give  a great  oath  in  the  Cathedral  of  Saint  Sophia, 
that  whatever  might  come  he  would  not  separate 
his  fortunes  from  theirs,  nor  leave  the  capital  of 
Rome  except  to  return  victorious. 

Bound  by  this  extraordinary  predicament,  Hera- 
clius  suddenly  awoke  to  the  consciousness  of  a genius 
which  neither  he  nor  his  subjects  had  suspected.  He 
resolved  no  longer  to  remain  on  the  defensive,  but  to 
strike  at  once  for  the  heart  of  the  enemy’s  country. 
The  plan  was  of  so  desperate  a character  that  only  a 
soldier  of  genius  could  have  escaped  speedy  destruc- 
tion in  the  attempt. 

He  embarked  the  few  troops  that  remained  to  him 
on  the  fleet,  and  sailed  southward  leaving  Constanti- 
nople to  its  fate,  trusting  to  divert  the  enemy’s  at- 
tention before  they  could  construct  ships  to  transport 
their  forces  across  the  narrow  strait.  It  was  the 
Roman  fleet  which  proved  his  salvation,  and  the  lack 
of  a fleet  that  prevented  the  Persians  at  this  critical 
moment  from  intercepting  the  emperor  and  com- 
pleting their  magnificent  career  of  conquest  by  the 
capture  of  Constantinople. 

Heraclius  sailed  on  Easter  Monday,  A.D.  622,  on 


CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 


' 255 


the  expedition  that  was  to  change  the  face  of  the 
world.  The  objective  point  of  the  fleet  was  the 
Gulf  of  Issus,  in  the  northeast  corner  formed  by 
Syria  and  Asia  Minor,  where  Persia  had  already  suf- 
fered a great  defeat  from  Alexander  the  Great.  The 
spot  selected  for  landing  was  favorable  for  an  army 
so  reduced  as  that  of  the  Romans  ; there  they  might  ‘ 
hope  to  be  able  to  meet  the  enemy  on  equal  terms. 
The  Persians  did  not  hesitate  to  march  to  the  en- 
counter. Shahr  Barz,  the  redoubtable  hero  of  so 
many  victories,  hastened  to  crush  Heraclius,  and  after 
some  manoevering  the  armies  joined  battle.  The 
Romans  were  nerved  by  despair; 
to  them  it  was  life  or  death  for 
Rome ; and  Heraclius  himself 
displayed  a skill  that  was  equal 
to  the  emergency.  After  a long 
and  desperate  struggle  the  Per- 
sians were  forced  to  retire,  and 
the  star  of  Persia  begain  to  wane  coin  of  isdigerd  iii. 
from  that  hour.  Although  campaigns  and  battles*  fol- 
lowed after  this  before  the  triumph  of  Rome  was  as- 
sured, yet  this  was  the  decisive  conflict  of  the  war, 
because  it  encouraged  the  Romans  and  gave  Herac- 
lius opportunity  to  add  to  the  resources  needed  for 
a continuation  of  the  struggle. 

As  winter  vas  approaching  Heraclius  withdrew 
part  of  his  army  and  returned  to  Constantinople. 
The  following  winter  he  devoted  to  active  negotia- 
tions with  his  fierce  Circassian  allies,  the  Khazars, 
who  agreed  to  aid  him  in  the  Persian  war.  In  the 
spring  he  sailed  with  an  army  for  Circassia,  and. 


256 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


joined  by  the  Khazars,  invaded  Persia  with  an  army 
of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men.  What 
he  had  expected  now  came  to  pass.  Chosroes  was 
forced  to  recall  Shahen  from  Chalcedon  and  Shahr 
Barz  from  Syria,  and  ordered  them  to  concentrate 
their  armies  to  act  in  concert  with  the  forty  thousand 
men  that  he  himself  was  leading  against  the  great 
host  of  Heraclius. 

Chosroes  arrived  at  the  strong  city  of  Cauzaca, 
now  called  Tacht-i-Suleiman,  where  a decisive  stand 
could  probably  have  been  made  against  the  invaders 
if  Shahr  Barz  and  Shahen  had  cooperated  in  time. 
But  this  was  exactly  what  Heraclius  had  foreseen 
and  took  measures  to  prevent  by  the  extraordinary 
celerity  of  his  movements.  With  a speed  hitherto 
unknown  in  the  military  movements  of  that  age,  the 
Roman  army  poured  like  a torrent  through  the 
mountain  passes  of  Northern  Persia,  sweeping  all 
before  it. 

The  pickets  of  the  “ Great  King  ” were  actually  sur- 
prised and  driven  in  by  the  speed  of  the  Roman  ad- 
vance, when  Chosroes  gave  the  order  to  retreat,  and 
moved  southward  to  avoid  the  battle  which  Hera- 
clius sought.  The  retreat  turned  into  a flight  ; but 
Chosroes  succeeded  in  eluding  the  pursuit  of  the 
enemy,  while  Heraclius  dared  not  remain  in  the 
heart  of  a hostile  country,  and  on  the  approach  of 
winter  returned  to  Constantinople.  Chosroes  has 
been  severely  blamed  for  his  course  in  this  cam- 
paign ; but  much  may  be  said  in  his  favor.  His  dis- 
positions were  properly  made,  and  if  supported  as  he 
had  planned  by  his  generals,  he  could  reasonably  ex- 


TOMB  OF  AVICENNA. 


257 


258 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


pect  a different  issue.  But  with  only  forty  thousand 
men  against  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  led  by 
a commander  like  Heraclius,  and  without  a supporting 
army  at  hand  to  fall  back  on  in  the  event  of  a reverse, 
it  would  have  been  exceedingly  dangerous  to  the  pres- 
tige of  Persia  to  risk  a battle,  ora  siege  within  the  walls 
of  Cauzaca.  An  overthrow  there  would  be  to  risk  the 
existence  of  the  empire.  It  was  the  misfortune  of 
Chosroes  that  circumstances  suggested  the  expedi- 
ency of  retreating,  while  on  the  other  hand,  the  far- 
ther the  invaders  were  drawn  away  from  their  base, 
the  greater  the  hazard  of  reverses  to  them  in  turn. 
That  the  retreat  became  a rout  is  due  partly  to  the 
character  of  Oriental  soldiers,  to  which  we  have 
already  alluded,  and  partly  perhaps  to  circumstances 
of  which  we  have  no  certain  knowledge. 

This  argument,  however,  does  not  alter  the  seri- 
ousness of  the  disasters  which  befell  Persia  during 
this  campaign  ; and  Chosroes  was  so  well  aware  of 
this  that  he  took  the  offensive  early  the  following 
season,  while  Heraclius  again  invaded  Persia  on  the 
line  followed  the  previous  campaign.  This  time  the 
armies  of  Chosroes  were  manoeuvred  with  such  skill 
that  Heraclius  was  hemmed  in,  and  only  escaped  by 
a quickness  and  skill  that  remind  one  of  the  early 
campaigns  of  Napoleon.  Feigning  flight  he  turned 
on  his  course  and  in  detail  attacked  and  beat  the 
Persian  armies,  and  thus  escaped.  There  was  no 
lack  of  courage  or  generalship  on  their  part  ; but 
their  antagonist  was  probaby  a man  of  greater  genius, 
nerved  by  desperation. 

The  following  year  Pleraclius  changed  the  scene  of 


CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 


259 


his  operations  to  Asia  Minor.  The  battles  of  this 
campaign  were  the  fiercest  in  the  long  history  of  the 
wars  between  Persia  and  Rome  ; in  several  cases 
Heraclius  only  wrested  victory  from  defeat  by  the 
most  tremendous  personal  effort.  At  the  end  of  the 
campaign  the  honors  seemed  to  be  equally  divided. 
Chosroes  Parveez  still  held  all  the  territories  he  had 
captured,  but  to  balance  this  he  had  to  deal  with 
a foe  who  had  penetrated  to  the  heart  of  his  domin- 
ions, and  whose  armies  were  gaining  in  discipline 
and  courage,  which  came  from  a hardy  experience 
and  frequent  success. 

The  hour  had  come  to  act  with  unusual  effort  and 
decision.  Undaunted  by  the  unexpected  spirit 
shown  by  Heraclius,  the  Great  King”  resolved 
upon  a final  and  gigantic  effort  to  bring  this  pro- 
tracted struggle  to  a close.  That  it  did  not  succeed 
according  to  his  plans  can  only  be  ascribed  to  an 
overruling  Providence  that  willed  it  otherwise,  for 
the  plans  of  Chosroes  were  made  with  foresight  and 
wisdom  and  conducted  by  the  ablest  generals  in  Per- 
sia commanding  veterans  inured  to  war  for  thirty 
years. 

Negotiations  were  opened  with  the  khan  of  the 
powerful  Avars,  who  was  to  cooperate  Avith  a large 
army  commanded  by  Shahr  Barz.  The  allied  force 
was  to  beleaguer  Constantinople  and  capture  it, 
while  another  army  under  Shahen  was  to  engage  the 
attention  of  Heraclius  in  Asia  Minor.  But  the  situ- 
ation of  the  imperial  city,  as  well  as  its  fortifications, 
was  such  as  to  warrant  Heraclius  in  feeling  little 
fear  for  its  safety.  The  Avars  opened  the  siege  with 


26o 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA, 


great  energy,  and  assaulted  its  walls  with  fury,  but 
without  the  aid  of  the  Persian  veterans  they  could 
accomplish  nothing,  and  Shahr  Barz  was  effectually 
prevented  from  crossing  the  Bosphorus  by  the 
enemy’s  fleet. 

Theodore,  the  brother  of  Heraclius,  was  placed  in 
command  of  the  army  of  Asia  Minor,  and  there  again 
victory  declared  for  the  Romans,  owing  to  an  unfore- 
seen incident.  Similar  accidents  have  more  than 
once  influenced  great  battles.  The  two  armies  en- 
gaged with  great  vigor,  but  a terrible  hailstorm  which 
arose  at  a critical  moment  drove  full  in  the  face  of 
the  Persian  ranks,  while  the  Romans,  with  it  at  their 
backs,  were  able  to  strike  home  unimpeded,  and  the 
Persians  were  defeated  with  great  slaughter.  Chos- 
roes  was  so  indignant  at  the  ill-fortune  of  Shahen, 
that  the  victor  of  many  a conflict  died  of  a broken 
heart.  Heraclius  in  the  meantime  repaired  to 
Circassia  to  arouse  the  Khazars  to  a fresh  invasion 
of  Persia.  He  succeeded  in  gaining  their  assistance 
by  promising  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  their  chief- 
tain, and  the  allied  force  laid  siege  to  Tiflis.  But  the 
garrison  made  so  gallant  a defence  that  they  were 
forced  to  retire. 

While  himself  unsuccessful  in  this  campaign,  the 
operations  of  Heraclius’  forces  elsewhere  had  been 
of  such  a nature  as  to  warrant  him  in  undertaking  a 
third  and  decisive  campaign  in  the  year  627.  His 
aim  was  Dastagerd,  north  of  Ctesiphon,  where  for 
many  years  Chosroes  had  held  his  court.  To  cap- 
ture that  city  would  be  to  strike  such  a blow  at  the 
prestige  of  Persia  as  to  force  her,  in  his  opinion,  to 


CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 


261 


come  to  terms.  But  the  movement  to  be  successful 
must  be  rapid.  Unlike  Julian  and  other  Roman  in- 
vaders of  Persia,  Heraclius  made  this,  as  well  as  his 
previous  attacks,  from  the  north  instead  of  from  the 
west  across  Syria  and  Mesopotamia. 

The  measures  taken  by  Chosroes  to  resist  this  in- 
vasion appear  as  usual  to  have  been  made  on  sound 
principles.  He  despatched  a large  army  against 
Heraclius  with  orders  to  fight  him  at  all  hazards. 
By  skilful  manoeuvring  Rhazetes,  the  Persian  gen- 
eral, got  in  the  rear  of  the  invading  forces,  and  a 
great  battle  was  the  result  near  Nineveh.  It  lasted 
from  dawn  until  noon  without  advantage  to  either 
side,  until  the  death  of  Rhazetes  and  several  of  his 
leading  officers  obliged  the  Persians  to  retire.  But 
they  did  so  in  good  order,  and  remained  all  night  on 
their  arms,  only  two  bow-shots  from  the  ranks  of  the 
enemy,  a fact  which  speaks  well  for  the  high  state  of 
discipline  which  they  had  reached.  Reinforced  soon 
after,  the  Persians  advanced  to  give  battle  a second 
time  ; but  with  a boldness  born  either  of  great  rash- 
ness or  extreme  confidence  in  his  own  powers,  Hera- 
clius had  in  the  meantime  marched  southward  with 
such  despatch  that  they  failed  to  reach  him. 

Chosroes,  on  learning  of  the  approach  of  the  Ro- 
mans, despatched  swift  couriers  to  recall  Shahr  Barz 
and  hasten  the  arrival  of  the  army  of  Rhazetes.  The 
latter  was  commanded  to  interpose  itself  between 
the  enemy  and  the  canal  at  Torua,  and  destroy  the 
bridge  across  the  canal,  which  seems  to  have  been  a 
point  of  the  greatest  importance  in  the  dispositions 
made  by  Chosroes  for  the  defence  of  his  capital. 


262 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA, 


But  for  some  reason  his  order  for  the  destruction  of 
the  bridge  was  not  executed,  and  Chosroes  being 
outflanked  by  the  Romans,  fell  back,  and  then  fled 
in  secret  with  his  treasures  of  money  and  his  best- 
beloved  wives.  We  have  no  clear  means  of  judging 
the  course  of  Chosroes  in  not  offering  at  least  some 
resistance  at  this  crisis,  if  for  no  other  reason  than 
to  save  his  own  reputation.  But  it  is  quite  likely 
that  he  reasoned  that,  with  the  army  he  had  with 
him  demoralized,  and  no  other  reinforcements  at 
hand  but  a rabble  of  household  domestics,  it  was 
useless  and  worse  than  useless  to  resist  the  victori- 
ous legions.  If  he  escaped,  the  task  of  the  enemy 
would  be  incomplete  ; while  if  he  were  taken,  such 
is  the  organization  of  an  Oriental  state,  that  the 
results  to  Persia  might  be  the  same  as  in  the  invasion 
of  Alexander. 

Heraclius  sacked  the  magnificent  palaces  of  Das- 
tagerd,  recapturing  three  hundred  Roman  standards, 
and  then  hastened  forward  towards  Ctesiphon.  But 
Shahr  Barz  was  now  approaching  with  a formidable 
army,  and  the  approach  of  winter  warned  Heraclius 
to  avoid  the  fate  of  Julian.  He  therefore  hastened 
northwards  and  reached  winter-quarters  with  little 
molestation. 

In  considering  the  latter  campaigns  of  this  terrible 
war,  we  are  often  confounded  that  it  should  have 
been  attended  with  such  results.  Apparently  there 
was  no  good  reason  foi:  the  defeat  of  the  Persians. 
Their  plans  were  excellent,  and  the  courage  dis- 
played by  them  in  the  field  was  that  of  the  best 
troops.  But  at  certain  critical  moments  we  find  that 


SHAH  ABBASS  THE  GREAT. 


263 


264  THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 

their  movements  were  foiled  by  incidents  beyond 
experience  and  calculation.  The  defeat  of  Shahen 
was  owing  to  a hailstorm  driving  in  the  teeth  of  his 
army  ; the  victory  of  Heraclius  over  the  army  of 
Rhazetes  was  owing  to  the  death  of  that  general  in 
the  moment  of  victory  ; the  retreat  of  Chosroes 
from  Cauzaca  was  due  to  the  celerity  of  Heraclius, 
which  was  beyond  precedent.  Had  the  Romans 
failed  in  any  one  of  these  operations,  the  results  of 
the  war  might  and  probably  would  have  been 
entirely  different. 

The  fate  of  Chosroes  Parveez  was  now  rapidly 
approaching.  Both  sides  were  weary  of  the  war. 
Heraclius  sought  not  conquest,  but  peace  on  condi- 
tion of  the  restoration  of  the  provinces  which  Chos- 
roes had  taken  from  Rome.  The  Persians  also  were 
disheartened  ; naturally,  but  unjustly,  they  threw 
the  blame  on  their  king,  forgetting,  in  recent  re- 
verses, his  long  successes  in  administration  and  war. 
But  Chosroes  had  not  yet  lost  heart.  As  he  did 
not  live  to  retrieve  his  fortunes,  historians  have  called 
his  persistence  in  declining  proposals  of  peace  by  the 
ugly  name  of  obstinacy  ; but  from  what  we  know  of 
his  character  and  career,  we  are  inclined  to  call  his 
conduct  at  this  crisis  an  heroic  resolution,  which 
might  have  led  to  a return  of  his  good  fortune  but 
for  the  tragic  events  that  now  hastened  his  end. 

It  is  hardly  to  be  wondered  at,  however,  that  his 
soul  should  have  been  embittered  by  the  astonishing 
reverses  that  had  followed  such  an  unexampled 
career  of  prosperity.  It  is  not  necessary  to  ascribe 
to  the  corruption  of  his  character  the  harshness  he 


CHOSROES  PARVEEZ. 


265 


showed  towards  Shahr  Barz  at  this  time.  We  liavc 
evidence  that  intriguers  at  court  had  poisoned  the 
ear  of  the  king  against  his  general  by  statements 
which,  whether  true  or  false,  were  qualified  to  arouse 
suspicion.  It  is  quite  likely  the  blunt  veteran  had 
permitted  himself  to  reflect  the  general  discontent 
by  using  expressions  derogatory  to  his  master.  At 
any  rate  Chosroes  ordered  his  execution,  which 
Shahr  Barz  evaded  by  the  aid  of  secret  information 
furnished  him  by  the  Romans.  This  circumstance 
suggests  that  there  were  Roman  spies  at  the  capital 
of  Chosroes,  and  that  perhaps  the  Romans  were 
seeking  to  help  their  cause  by  fomenting  rebellion 
against  that  sovereign. 

But  the  measure  which  gave  most  displeasure  to 
the  Persian  nobles,  was  the  declared  intention  of 
Chosroes  to  designate  Merdasas,  the  son  of  Shireen, 
for  his  successor  in  the  place  of  Siroes,  the  legitimate 
heir.  There  was  nothing  unprecedented  in  such  a 
measure.  The  kings  of  Persia  had  repeatedly  done 
the  same  without  arousing  serious  opposition  ; and 
it  showed  that  even  in  the  hour  of  trouble  Chosroes 
still  tenderly  remembered  his  departed  wife.  But 
Shireen  had  been  a Christian, — a fact  the  Persians 
had  never  forgiven, — and  under  the  existing  circum- 
stances they  were  little  disposed  to  humor  the  caprice 
of  the  king. 

A conspiracy  of  twenty-two  nobles  was  formed, 
headed  by  Guadanaspa,  the  commander  of  the  gar- 
rison at  Ctesiphon,  and  including  two  sons  of  Shahr 
Barz.  The  conspirators  arose  in  favor  of  Siroes,  who 
was  not  only  knowing  to  the  plot,  but  gave  the  or- 


266  the  story  of  PERSIA. 

der  for  seizing  Chosroes  and  throwing  him  into  a 
dungeon  called  the  House  of  Darkness.”  Here 
the  “ Great  King  ” was  closely  confined,  and  fed  on 
bread  and  water  in  meagre  quantities.  The  officers 
of  the  guard  even  spat  on  him,  to  such  depths  had 
he  fallen  ! 

To  complete  the  misery  of  this  unfortunate  prince, 
Merdasas,  the  son  of  his  beloved  Shireen,  was  brought 
into  the  dungeon,  with  several  other  children  of 
Chosroes,  and  murdered  before  his  eyes.  On  the 
fifth  day,  his  tormentors,  by  order  of  Siroes,  slew  him 
with  cruel  tortures.  He  perished  in  628  A.D.,  after 
a reign  of  thirty-seven  years. 

One  of  the  greatest  historians  of  Persia,  Mirkhond, 
says:  “ Parveez  holds  a distinguished  rank  among 
the  kings  of  Persia  through  the  majesty  and  firmness 
of  his  government,  the  wisdom  of  his  views,  and  his 
intrepidity  in  carrying  them  out,  the  size  of  his  army, 
the  amount  of  his  treasure,  the  flourishing  condition 
of  the  provinces  during  his  reign,  the  security  of  the 
highways,  the  prompt  and  exact  obedience  which  he 
enforced,  and  his  unalterable  adherence  to  the  plans 
which  he  once  formed.” 

Such  a eulogy  is  in  accordance  with  our  own  esti- 
mate of  the  character  of  Chosroes  Parveez  ; and 
therefore  it  is  that  we  are  confounded  by  the  events 
which  immediately  preceded  the  termination  of  his 
reign,  and  incline  to  consider  his  fate  as  an  extraor- 
dinary example  of  the  irony  of  destiny,  for  which  no 
adequate  explanation  can  be  found,  with  our  present 
knowledge  of  the  powers  which  control  the  fortunes 
of  man. 


XIX. 

THE  MOHAMMEDAN  CONQUEST  OF  PERSIA. 

SiROES,  or  Kavadh,  or  Kobad  the  Second,  as  he 
was  called  after  his  coronation,  succeeded  Chosrocs 
Parveez  when  the  latter  was  thrown  into  prison. 
Four  days  later  he  ordered  his  father’s  execution. 
Persian  historians  affirm  that  he  did  this  only  at  the 
urgent  advice  of  the  nobles,  in  order  to  ensure  peace. 
The  fact  remains,  however,  that  he  yielded  to  this 
advice.  Immediately  after  the  consummation  of 
this  horrible  tragedy,  Kobad  entered  into  negotia- 
tions with  Heraclius,  and  a peace  was  soon  con- 
cluded, by  which  each  State  returned  to  the  limits  it 
occupied  before  the  conquests  of  Chosrocs  Parveez. 
It  is  worthy  of  note  that  notwithstanding  the  victo- 
ries of  Heraclius,  Persia,  at  the  death  of  Parveez,  still 
retained  her  grasp  on  the  provinces  he  had  wrested 
from  Rome.  These  were  now  resigned,  to  the  con- 
tentment of  the  Persian  people,  who  were  weary  of 
the  war.  Shahr  Barz  alone  objected,  perhaps  with 
the  intention  of  making  this  a pretext  for  the  rebel- 
lion he  instigated  not  long  after  these  events.  It  ap- 
pears to  us  that  the  fact  that  two  of  the  sons  of  this 
great  general  were  prominent  in  the  conspirac}’ 
against  Chosrocs,  together  with  the  early  attempt 

267 


268 


THE  STORY  OTHER  S/A. 


made  by  their  father  to  seize  the  crown,  without  an 
apparent  cause  except  ambition,  seems  strong  proof 
that  Chosroes  had  good  reason  for  suspecting  the 
loyalty  of  Shahr  Barz  and  ordering  his  execution. 

Kobad  was  at  first  esteemed  by  his  subjects,  and 
seemed  inclined  to  reign  with  moderation  and  jus- 
tice. But  he  soon  extinguished  all  the  hopes  of  the 
people  by  one  of  the  most  wanton  and  atrocious 
deeds  in  the  history  of  the  house  of  Sassan.  He 
caused  all  his  brothers  to  be  murdered  ; the  number 
is  variously  stated,  but  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
less  than  thirty.  There  was  no  known  reason  for 
this  deed  of  horror,  beyond  the  jealous  fear  of  one 
who  was  intellectually  their  inferior.  But  instead  of 
preserving  order  and  peace  in  Persia,  the  assassina- 
tion of  so  many  princes,  while  Kobad  himself  had 
but  one  child,  resulted,  as  we  shall  see,  in  disorders 
and  wars  for  the  succession  that  precipitated  the 
ruin  of  the  dynasty  and  the  fall  of  Persia. 

Kobad  had  allowed  his  sisters  to  survive  the 
dreadful  massacre  of  their  male  relatives,  and  two 
were  at  that  time  dwelling  unmarried  at  the  royal 
palace,  Pirandocht  and  Azermidocht.  Frantic  with 
grief  and  horror,  they  rushed  into  the  presence  of 
the  king,  their  brother,  and,  regardless  of  their  own 
lives,  reproached  him  in  language  that  made  him 
tremble.  “ Thou  hast  killed  thy  father  and  brothers 
to  gratify  thy  ambition  ; thou  hast  thought  thus  to 
perpetuate  thy  power.  But,  even  if  thy  life  be 
long,  die  thou  must  at  last.  May  God  deprive  thee 
of  all  the  enjoyment  of  the  power  thou  hast  gotten 
in  this  wise  ! ” 


1.  A1  Kuu 


2/0 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


These  bitter  reproaches  struck  to  the  heart  of  this 
monster  like  a knife.  Remorse  made  him  her  vic- 
tim. He  hung  his  head  and  dared  not  reply.  A 
profound  melancholy  preyed  on  his  soul,  and  in  a 
few  days  he  was  buried  by  the  side  of  the  victims  of 
his  wickedness. 

About  this  time  a great  pestilence  added  to  the 
afflictions  of  Persia,  sweeping  away  myriads — some 
historians  say  from  one  third  to  one  half  of  the 
population.  Kobad  died  in  the  year  629,  and  the 
troubles  of  Persia  were  continued  by  the  accession 
of  his  son,  a mere  infant,  one  year  old,  named  Arta- 
xerxes  III.  The  nobles  elected  Mihr  Haziz  as  regent, 
and  he  held  the  reigns  of  government  with  modera- 
tion and  wisdom.  Shahr  Barz  had  in  the  interval  been 
delaying  the  evacuation  of  Asia  Minor  and  Syria  by 
the  Persian  armies,  and  employed  the  opportunity  of 
cultivating  a personal  friendship  with  Heraclius.  He 
artfully  managed  these  negotiations  to  arrange  a 
separate  secret  treaty  with  that  emperor,  in  which  it 
was  agreed  that  Heraclius  should  lend  his  aid  to 
place  Shahr  Barz  on  the  throne  of  Persia,  in  con- 
sideration of  large  sums  to  be  paid  by  the  Persian 
general  in  the  event  of  his  success,  in  order  to  in- 
demnify the  Romans  for  the  great  losses  they  had 
suffered  from  the  Persian  invasions.  As  an  earnest 
of  his  sincerity,  Heraclius  agreed  to  the  marriage  of 
Nike,  the  daughter  of  Shahr  Barz,  and  his  son  Theo- 
dosius, and  of  Gregoria,  the  daughter  of  Niketas,  son 
of  Shahr  Barz,  with  Constantine,  the  heir  to  the 
throne  of  Rome.  The  names  of  the  children  of 
Shahr  Barz  are  Greek,  as  given  by  the  historians,  and 


THE  MOHAMMEDAN  CONQUEST  OF  PERSIA.  2;  I 


hence  imply  that  he  had  become  considerably  Chris- 
tianized, or  at  least  influenced,  by  his  long  cam- 
paigns and  viceroyalty  in  the  Asiatic  territories  of 
the  Greco-Roman  empire. 

Having  completed  the  plans  he  had  evidently 
been  maturing  for  some  time,  Shahr  Barz  marched 
on  Ctesiphon  at  the  head  of  sixty  thousand  veterans. 
The  capital  fell  into  his  hands  ; the  infant  king  and 
the  regent  were  slain,  and  every  thing  seemed  to 
point  to  the  permanent  reign  of  the  usurper  and  the 
foundation  of  a new  dynasty  on  the  ruins  of  the 
house  of  Sassan.  But  one  of  the  strongest  traits  of 
Oriental  character  is  respect  for  constituted  author- 
ity. Were  it  not  for  this,  so  many  Asiatic  dynasties 
would  not  have  continued  to  exist  for  ages,  as  they 
have  done,  long  after  they  had  become  weak  and 
degenerate. 

We  are  not  surprised,  therefore,  that  after  a reign 
of  two  months  Shahr  Barz  found  his  position  inse- 
cure. He  had  restored  the  last  Roman  province  to 
Heraclius  and  sent  an  army  to  expel  the  Khazars 
from  Armenia.  To  strengthen  his  hold  on  the  sceptre 
he  had  also  married  Pirandocht,  one  of  the  daughters 
of  Chosroes  Parveez,  when  his  ambitious  career  was 
brought  to  a dose  by  a revolt  of  the  garrison  at  the 
capital.  He  was  in  the  open  court  of  the  palace  when 
the  guards  pierced  him  with  their  swords,  and  drag- 
ged his  corpse  through  the  streets,  crying  out : 
“He  who  usurps  the  throne  of  Iran,  not  being  of 
blood  royal,  shall  share  the  doom  of  Shahr  Barz!” 
Pirandocht  was  proclaimed  the  sovereign,  the  first 
woman  who  had  ever  occupied  the  throne  of  Cyrus 


2/2 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


and  Ardeshir.  She  did  not  long  enjoy  her  remarka- 
ble elevation  to  power,  and  on  her  death  was  suc- 
ceeded by  her  sister  Azermidocht,  who  was  assassi- 
nated by  one  of  the  numerous  pretenders  to  the 
throne. 

Unmindful  of  the  fate  of  Bahram  and  Shahr  Barz, 
aspirants  to  the  crown  rapidly  followed  each  other 
during  the  next  four  years.  Anarchy  was  fast  bring- 
ing this  magnificent  empire  to  perdition  ; everywhere 
discord  and  blood  distracted  the  unhappy  country, 
when  relief  came  from  an  unexpected  quarter.  It 
was  discovered  that  a grandson  of  Chosroes  Parveez 
was  living  obscurely  and  tranquilly  near  Istakr,  most 
likely  concealing  his  royal  birth  in  order  to  escape 
the  murderous  attacks  of  usurpers.  He  was  fifteen 
years  old  at  this  time,  and  the  only  living  descendant 
of  the  house  of  Sassan.  The  nobles  urged  him  forth 
from  his  retirement,  and  crowned  him  king  with 
the  name  of  Isdigerd  III.  Perhaps  it  would  have 
been  well  for  him  if  he  had  never  left  his  obscure 
position,  because,  although  he  proved  to  be  a 
worthy,  patriotic,  and  heroic  prince,  it  was  his  mis- 
fortune to  be  the  last  of  his  dynasty.  During  his 
reign  Persia  ceased  for  nine  hundred  years  to  be  an 
independent  power,  and  he  himself  was  driven  from 
province  to  province  and  fell  by  the  hand  of  an 
assassin.  ‘‘  The  stars  in  their  courses  fought  against 
him,”  and  resistance  was  vain. 

Some  years  before  this  a new  power  had  been 
looming  up  in  the  southwest,  little  regarded  at  first 
but  destined  to  reverse  the  beliefs  of  half  the 
known  world,  and  shake  the  strongholds  of  Pagan 


THE  MOHAMMEDAN  CONQUEST  OF  FEE  S/A.  273 

and  Christian  alike  to  their  very  foundations.  It 
was  the  power  of  Mohammed.  During  the  wars  be- 
tween Chosroes  and  Heraclius  the  camel  driver  of 
the  desert  had  proclaimed  a new  religion  whose  arms 
were  enthusiasm  and  war.  His  troops  were  the  fier}^ 
tribes  of  Arabia,  and  the  dreams  of  voluptuous  bliss 
for  those  who  fell  in  the  cause  of  the  new  faith,  in- 
spired them  with  a contempt  for  deatli  which  made 
them  irresistible,  until  they  too,  like  other  Oriental 
nations  succumbed  in  turn  to  luxury  and  prosperity. 

During  the  internal  dissensions  which  followed 
the  murder  of  Chosroes  Parveez,  the  Arabs  had  ex- 
pelled the  Persian  satraps  from  Arabia  and  had  re- 
peatedly overcome  the  veteran  armies  of  Heraclius. 

Burning  with  zeal,  the  Arabs  or  Saracens  now 
turned  their  arms  towards  Persia.  Isdigerd  III. 
prepared  to  meet  this  new  foe  with  spirit ; he  seems 
from  the  outset  to  have  divined  the  character  of  the 
peril  which  now  menaced  his  country  and  taken  liis 
measures  to  resist  it  with  prudence  and  vigor.  Nor 
were  the  Persians  at  all  lacking  in  energy  nccessar}’ 
to  second  the  efforts  of  their  sovereign.  But  the 
greatest  difficulty  Isdigerd  had  to  encounter  from  the 
outset  was  the  absence  of  generals  fitted  to  cope  with 
the  skilful  leaders  and  furious  onset  of  the  enemy. 
The  long  wars  with  Rome  had  for  the  time  cxliaustcd 
the  military  talent  of  Persia;  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  Saracens  showed  another  example  of  the 
law  that  when  a great  revolution  or  change  is  about 
to  occur  in  the  history  of  the  nations,  men  of  unusual 
ability  are  provided  to  carry  it  to  a successful  issue. 

The  early  operations  of  the  campaign  of  the  Arabs 


274 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA, 


against  Persia  were  successful,  chiefly  for  the  rea- 
sons before  mentioned  ; and  a large  and  victorious 
army  of  the  invaders  at  last  encamped  on  the  west- 
ern Euphrates.  The  Persian  army  in  that  quarter 
was  commanded  by  Bahman.  The  jewel-studded 
leathern  apron  of  Kaweh,  the  standard  of  Persia  for 
so  many  centuries,  was  there.  F'lushed  by  their  vic- 
tories the  Mohammedans  rashly  ventured  to  cross 
the  river  and  engage  the  Persians  on  their  chosen 
field.  But  they  met  with  a crushing  defeat,  and 
Abu  Obeidah,  their  commander,  was  trampled  under 
foot  by  the  elephants.  This  was  the  last  victory 
won  by  an  army  bearing  the  standard  of  Kaweh.  In 
another  battle,  which  soon  followed,  the  Persians 
were  repulsed,  and  fell  back  in  good  order  on 
Ctesiphon. 

Isdigerd  III.,  equal  to  the  great  emergency,  made 
abundant  preparations  during  the  succeeding  winter 
to  bring  about  a decisive  victory  against  the  enemy 
in  the  attack  which  it  was  certain  they  would  renew 
in  the  next  campaign.  Rustem,  a man  of  experience, 
and  the  best  Persian  general  of  the  time,  was  placed 
at  the  head  of  an  army  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  men.  Rustem  appears  to  have  been  a 
man  of  energy  and  courage,  but  deficient  in  devising 
plans  best  suited  to  meet  the  impending  danger. 

Instead  of  awaiting  the  attack  of  the  enemy, 
whose  inferior  forces  must  eventually  have  been 
shattered  against  the  Persian  host, — and  defeat  for 
them  meant  utter  ruin  in  that  early  stage  of  Islamism, 
— Rustem  crossed  the  Euphrates,  and  assaulted  the 
Saracens  who  were  encamped  at  Kadesiyeh,  under 


THE  MOHAMMEDAN  CONQUEST  OF  PERSIA.  27^ 


the  command  of  Saad  ibn  Vakass.  The  dispositions 
for  the  battle  made  by  Rustem  were  judicious,  and 
the  conflict  was  desperate,  and  inclined  in  favor  of 
the  Persians,  until  the  Arabs  succeeded  in  cutting  the 
girths  of  the  elephants  and  precipitating  their  riders 
to  the  ground.  The  Arabs  thus  relieved  from  the 
terrible  onset  of  the  elephants  repulsed  the  Persian 
attack,  and  Rustem  ordered  a retreat  to  the  camp. 
This  day’s  battle  is  called  by  the  Arab  historians, 
the  “ Day  of  Concussion.” 

During  the  night  and  the  following  day,  reinforce- 
ments frequently  reached  the  Arabs,  and  it  is  there- 
fore called  the  “ Day  of  Succors.”  The  battle  was 
renewed  at  first  with  single  combats,  which  generally 
resulted  disadvantageously  to  the  Persians,  who  lost 
in  this  way  two  of  their  best  generals.  Under  the 
circumstances  it  was  poor  generalship  for  Rustem  to 
allow  his  best  material  to  be  thrown  away  in  this  un- 
scientific mode  of  carrying  on  war.  The  result  of 
this  day’s  fight  was  a drawn  battle,  with  the  advan- 
tage inclining  towards  the  Arabs. 

The  third  day  of  this  great  battle  began  at  first  by 
a successful  charge  of  the  Arabs,  who  had  become 
accustomed  to  fighting  elephants,  and  had  been  in- 
formed by  a deserter  that  the  quickest  way  to  disable 
these  huge  monsters  was  to  strike  their  spears  at  the 
eye  or  the  proboscis.  Although  disconcerted  by  the 
fury  of  the  elephants,  which  turned  against  their  own 
ranks,  the  Persians  rallied  with  great  valor  and  re- 
pulsed the  tremendous  onset  of  the  Arabs.  Ihit  at 
night  Rustem  withdrew  his  army  across  the  canal  El 
Atik,  placing  that  barrier  between  the  two  armies. 


276 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


As  the  Persian  army  was  still  not  defeated,  it  is 
conjectured  that  this  movement  was  taken  in  order 
to  obtain  much-needed  rest,  after  three  successive 
days  of  severe  fighting.  The  Persians  were  mostly 
raw  recruits,  and  in  any  case  were  less  hardy  than 
the  wiry  and  nervous  Arabs.  But  the  latter  seemed 
to  have  suspected  the  motive  of  Rustem,  and  there- 
fore prevented  the  Persians  from  resting  by  making 
loud  noises  and  constantly  renewing  their  attacks  in 
small  bodies,  which  gradually  brought  on  a general 
battle  at  dawn  of  the  fourth  day.  The  Persians 
were  at  first  successful,  recrossing  the  canal  and  driv- 
ing back  the  enemy.  But  at  noon  a wild  wind  arose 
from  the  desert,  bringing  with  it  clouds  of  sand  which 
smote  the  Persians  full  in  the  eyes,  while  the  Arabs 
felt  it  but  little.  Here,  again,  in  a critical  period  of 
Persia’s  history,  we  find  the  elements  conspiring  to 
aid  her  overthrow.  Hormuzen,  who  commanded 
one  wing,  fell  back,  which  gave  the  Arabs  an  oppor- 
tunity to  drive  their  van  like  a wedge  between  the 
hitherto  unbroken  lines  of  the  Persians,  and^enabled 
them  to  dash  on  the  tent  whence  Rustem  was  direct- 
ing the  movements  of  his  valiant  troops.  Before  he 
could  escape,  he  was  injured  by  the  falling  of  the 
tent-pole,  and  was  immediately  despatched  by  the 
sword  of  Hillal,  the  son  of  Alkama.  Hillal  shouted 
with  stentorian  tones,  ‘‘  By  the  lord  of  the  Kaaba,  I 
have  slain  Rustem ! ” As  these  fateful  words  rang 
over  the  battle-field,  they  struck  terror  to  the  ex- 
hausted ranks  of  Iran  ; a panic  seized  the  Persian 
troops;  they  turned  and  fled.  The  four-days’  battle 
was  over,  A few  regiments  stood  their  ground  to 


NADIR  SHAH. 


t 


277 


278 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


the  last,  and  were  cut  down  to  a man.  The  leathern 
standard  of  Kaweh  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy 
for  the  first  time,  ^ and  the  destiny  of  Persia  was 
decided. 

In  the  desperate  and  protracted  conflict  of  Ka- 
desiyeh,  we  see  a battle  worthy  of  a great  empire ; 
if  she  was  destined  to  fall,  she  fell  covered  with 
glory  ; as  a later  general  has  said,  “ All  was  lost  but 
honor.”  f The  tide  of  the  battle  was  turned  by  the 
sandstorm,  and  not  for  lack  of  generalship  or  heroism. 

Although  the  battle  of  Kadesiyeh  was  of  such  im- 
portance, it  appears  that  the  exhaustion  of  the  Arabs 
after  the  battle  was  such  that  for  a year  and  a half 
they  abstained  from  active  hostilities.  But  in  637 
they  resumed  the  offensive  under  the  same  general, 
Saad,  with  an  army  of  sixty  thousand  men.  The  de- 
cisive character  of  the  battle  of  Kadesiyeh  was  now 
apparent.  The  Persian  generals  advised  Isdigerd  to 
abandon  his  capital  and  make  a stand  in  the  moun- 
tain regions.  The  Arabs  entered  the  great  capital 
of  the  Sassanidae  and  found  there  treasures  so  vast 
that  the  description  of  them  bewilders  the  fancy.  A 
fifth  part  of  the  booty  was  set  aside  and  sent  to  the 
Caliph  Omar,  at  Medina.  What  remained  allowed 
each  soldier  twelve  thousand  dirhems,  or  nearly  two 
thousand  dollars. 

Isdigerd  concentrated  over  one  hundred  thousand 
men  at  Holwan.  Haschem  was  sent  against  him, 

* The  soldier  who  took  the  standard  sold  it  for  thirty  thousand  dir- 
hems, or  five  thousand,  four  hundred  dollars.  Its  real  value  was 
upwards  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars,  as  they  discov- 
ered when  it  was  cut  to  pieces  and  its  gems  were  appraised. 

•f-  Francis  I.  to  his  mother  after  the  battle  of  Pavia. 


THE  MOHAMMEDAN  CONQUEST  OF  PEES/ A.  279 

as  the  Arabian  historians  assert,  with  only  twelve 
thousand  men.  This  statement  of  the  relative  force 
of  the  two  armies  we  cannot  fully  accept,  for  the 
Arabs  had  already  had  sufficient  proof  of  the  cour- 
age of  the  Persians.  But  it  may  be  assumed  as  true 
that  the  Arabs  were  inferior  in  number,  for  they  con- 
sumed eight  months  in  manoeuvring  before  they 
could  by  stratagem  get  the  Persian  army  into  a po- 
sition where  they  could  be  defeated  and  annihilated. 

Isdigerd  retired  after  the  battle  of  Jolula  to  Rhei,“ 
in  the  north  of  Persia,  and  made  that  ancient  city 
his  capital.  He  ordered  his  captains  to  remain  on 
the  defensive  and  hold  Holwan  at  all  hazards.  But 
the  commands  of  the  king  were  rashly  disobeyed,  and 
the  result  was  another  crushing  defeat  and  the  loss 
of  that  important  fortress.  But  soon  after  Saad  ibn 
Vakass,  the  Arab  general  who  had  thus  far  con- 
ducted the  campaigns  against  Persia,  was  removed 
on  account  of  rumors  that  he  was  too  rapidly  learn- 
ing to  imitate  the  luxury  of  the  Persians.  Isdigerd 
took  fresh  heart  on  hearing  of  this  event,  hoping  that 
with  a change  of  commanders  the  enemy  might  be 
more  easy  to  encounter,  a hope  in  which  he  was 
strengthened  by  the  magnificent  resistance  offered 
by  Hormuz  in  the  south.  No  less  than  eighty  bat- 
tles or  skirmishes  occurred  in  that  quarter  before  that 
city  yielded  to  the  final  assault. 

Isdigerd  collected  an  army,  stated  as  high  as  one 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men,  from  all  the  north- 

* Rhei,  formerly  Rhages,  was  near  the  present  city  of  Teheran. 
Its  ruins  are  still  quite  numerous ; the  tomb  of  a daughter  of 
Isdigerd  III.  overlooks  the  ruins,  near  the  cemetery  of  the  fire- 
worshippers. 


28o 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


ern  and  eastern  provinces  of  Persia,  and  in  641  con- 
centrated his  forces  at  Nehavend  in  Media.  It  must 
be  admitted  that  this  unfortunate  monarch  showed 
himself  a worthy  descendant  of  the  house  of  Sassan. 
The  command  of  this  host  was  entrusted  to  Firoozan, 
who  had  been  in  the  battle  of  Kadesiyeh.  The  enemy, 
to  the  number  of  thirty  thousand,  were  led  by  No- 
man, who  immediately  sought  to  bring  on  a battle, 
aware  how  much  depended  on  availing  himself  of 
the  impetuosity  of  the  Arabs.  But  Firoozan  adopted 
a masterly  policy  of  remaining  on  the  defensive  and 
thus  exhausting  the  patience  and  provisions  of  the 
enemy.  He  entrenched  himself  at  Nehavend,  where 
the  two  armies  faced  each  other  for  two  months. 
During  this  period  it  is  probable  that  Noman  re- 
ceived reinforcements,  which  only  tended  to  exhaust 
his  provisions,  and  the  position  of  the  Arabs  became 
critical. 

In  this  emergency  Noman  resorted  to  a stratagem 
which  completed  the  ruin  of  Persia.  He  spread  a 
report  that  Omar  the  caliph  was  dead,  and  broke  up 
his  camp  as  if  for  a hasty  retreat.  Firoozan  fell  into 
the  trap,  for  which  he  could  hardly  be  blamed,  and 
set  out  in  pursuit,  which  probably  was  disorderly. 
On  the  third  day  he  overtook  the  enemy,  whom  he 
found  on  the  plain,  not  flying,  as  he  expected,  but 
drawn  up  in  battle  array,  and  a tremendous  conflict 
ensued.  The  Arabs  charged  with  their  fierce  cry, 
“ Allah  Acbar  ! and  forced  the  lines  of  the  Persians 
with  the  furious  onset  of  the  cavalry  of  the  desert. 
Firoozan  was  killed,  and,  it  is  said,  that  one  hundred 
thousand  of  the  routed  army  fell  in  the  disorderly 


THE  MOHAMMEDAN  CONQUEST  OF  TEA'S/ A.  28 1 


flight.  The  fury  of  the  Arabs  was  increased  by  the 
death  of  their  own  general.  They  halted  not  until 
they  reached  Hamadan,  which  surrendered  without 
a blow,  and  Persia  lay  bleeding  at  the  feet  of  Islam. 

Isdigerd  III.  fled  eastwards,  and  for  ten  years 
maintained  a desultory  warfare  in  the  mountains. 
He  was  at  last  assassinated  by  a servant  for  his 
clothes  and  jewels,  and  the  house  of  Sassan  came 
to  an  end  415  years  after  it  was  founded  by  Ardeshir 
Babegan. 

The  coins  bearing  the  face  of  Isdigerd  III.  indicate 
a prince  of  handsome  features  and  mild  disposition. 
The  long  resistance  he  made  against  the  invaders 
shows  that  he  also  had  firmness  and  courage.  We  do 

o 

not  agree  with  the  historians  who  assume  that  he 
was  necessarily  weak  or  pusillanimous  because  he  did 
not  personally  lead  his  armies  to  battle.  It  was  be- 
coming the  custom  for  kings  to  delegate  the  military 
command  to  their  generals,  and  if  he  were  conscious 
that  his  ability  was  rather  that  of  the  administrator 
than  the  soldier,  it  would  have  only  made  matters 
worse  for  him  to  take  the  field.  His  education  when 
he  took  the  throne,  at  the  early  age  of  fifteen,  certainly 
had  not  been  such  as  to  train  him  for  war.  It  must 
also  be  considered  that  in  no  country  attacked  by 
the  Mohammedans,  in  the  early  period  of  their  con- 
quests, did  they  meet  a resistance  as  obstinate  and 
heroic  as  in  Persia.  It  should  be  remembered  that  in 
many  instances  chieftains  and  kings  elsewhere  sub- 
mitted to  the  Arabs,  and  gained  security  and  honor 
by  embracing  Mohammedanism.  But  Isdigerd  dis- 
dained such  a course  and  struggled  with  spirit,  against 


282 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


his  destiny  to  the  end.  It  is  also  in  his  favor  that 
historians  have  charged  him  with  none  of  the  ter- 
rible crimes  which  stained  the  record  of  his  line. 
The  disasters  which  overwhelmed  him  and  his 
country  were  rather  the  result  of  a combination  of 
circumstances.  The  storm  had  been  long  gathering ; 
wherever  it  struck  it  carried  all  before  it.  Persia 
presented  no  exception  to  the  uniformity  of  the  suc- 
cess of  the  Arabs ; but  although  weakened  by  for- 
eign wars  and  internal  strife,  none  exceeded  her  in 
the  heroism  she  exhibited  in  this  great  crisis  of  her 
history. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

PERSIA  UNDER  THE  MOHAMMEDANS. 

The  Arabs  carried  their  religion  wherever  they  car- 
ried their  victorious  arms;  and  thus  after  frequent 
outbreaks  in  various  parts  of  Persia,  and  violent  per- 
secutions, they  succeeded  in  crushing  Zoroastrianism 
as  a national  faith.  A number  of  the  fire-worshippers 
fled  to  India,  where  their  descendants  now  live  under 
the  name  of  Parsees  or  Persians.  A few  contrived 
to  survive  the  general  proscription  of  their  sect  and 
continue  in  their  native  land,  where  they  received 
from  their  conquerors  the  opprobrious  name  of  Kaf- 
feer  or  Guebre,  which  means  infidel.  Their  descend- 
ants in  Persia  number  perhaps  thirty  thousand  at  the 
present  day,  and  are  allowed  to  live  unmolested. 

With  the  national  religion  also  went  the  national 
independence  of  Persia  for  over  eight  centuries.  The 
history  of  that  long  interval  is  one  of  wars  and  in- 
vasions ; of  dynasty  rapidly  following  dynasty  ; of 
vast  calamities  like  the  overwhelming  hordes  of  Zen- 
ghis  Khan,  and  Timoor  Lane,*  sweeping  like  a hurri- 
cane over  the  country.  In  one  or  two  cases  there 
are  instances  of  Persian  dynasties  like  the  Deilamee, 

* This  name  is  more  properly  spelled  Timoor  Lenk,  or  Timoor  the 
Lame. 


283 


284 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


which  ruled  for  three  quarters  of  a century  ove\  ».ne 
northern  part  of  Persia,  in  Parthia.  But,  as  a rule, 
the  period  to  which  we  allude  presents  a dreary 
monotony  of  Saracen,  and  Tartar,  and  Turkish 
tyrants,  none  of  whom  attained  to  any  permanence, 
but  who  vied  in  crushing  the  independence  of  the 
great  Aryan  race  of  Iran. 

But  during  these  ages  of  obscurity  and  dependence 
it  is  interesting  to  note  how  the  Persian  mind  con- 
tinued to  find  expression,  how  it  insisted  in  preserv- 
ing its  vitality,  and  looked  forward  to  the  time  when 
a deliverer  of  their  own  race  should  once  more  give 
freedom  to  the  Persians.  It  was  during  that  period 
that  the  great  poet,  Firdoiisee,  composed,  in  the 
pure  language  of  Persia,  the  noble  historical  epic,  or 
poetical  chronicle,  of  the  legends  of  Persia,  prepared 
at  the  court  of  Mahmood  of  Ghizneh.  Soon  after 
flourished  Nizamee,  the  poet  of  the  heart  and  the 
passions,  and  the  lyric  poet  Hafiz.  Then  too  Omar 
Khayam,  composed  his  celebrated  philosophic  verses, 
and  arranged  the  calendar  for  Shah  Rokh,  and 
Djamee,  sang  of  the  loves  of  Yusuf  and  Zuleika. 
The  celebrated  physician  and  philosopher  Avicenna, 
likewise  belongs  to  that  brilliant  epoch.  The  archi- 
tectural and  keramic  arts  also  flourished  in  the 
hands  of  the  brilliant  artisans  of  Persia,  and  the 
Saracens  borrowed  from  her  the  ideas  which  in 
Egypt  and  Spain  served  them  as  the  foundation  of 
the  so-called  Saracenic  school  of  art. 

To  narrate  the  history  of  Persia  during  this  period 
of  subjection,  while  in  parts  romantic  and  brilliant 
with  stirring  events,  would  be  in  general  tedious. 


285 


286 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


complicated,  and  frequently  to  repeat  only  episodes 
in  the  career  of  conquerors  who  found  elsewhere  the 
principal  theatre  of  their  deeds  of  splendor  and 
blood. 

But  at  last  the  independence  of  Persia  came  in 
a manner  that  would  have  been  least  predicted  when 
she  was  subjugated  by  the  Mohammedans.  It  was 
by  that  very  religion  which  overthrew  the  Sassanid 
dynasty  that  Persia  once  more  arose  from  her  ashes. 

At  an  early  period  in  the  rise  of  Islamism,  the 
followers  of  Mohammed  became  divided  on  the  ques- 
tion of  the  succession  to  the  caliphate,  or  leadership, 
vacated  by  the  death  of  Mohammed.  Some,  who 
were  in  majority,  believed  that  it  lay  with  the  de- 
scendants of  the  caliph,  Moawiyeh,  while  others  as 
firmly  clung  to  the  opinion  that  the  succession  lay 
with  the  sons  of  Alee  and  Fatimeh,  the  daughter 
of  the  prophet,  Hassan  and  Houssein,  and  their  de- 
scendants. In  a desperate  conflict  on  the  banks  of 
the  Euphrates,  nearly  all  the  male  descendants  of 
the  prophet  were  slain,  and  almost  the  entire  Mo- 
hammedan peoples,  from  India  to  Spain,  thencefor- 
ward became  Sunnees — that  is,  they  embraced  belief 
in  the  succession  of  the  line  of  the  house  of 
Moawiyeh,  called  the  Ommiades.  But  there  was  an 
exception  to  this  uniformity  of  belief.  The  Persians, 
as  has  been  seen,  were  a people  deeply  given  to  re- 
ligious beliefs  and  mystical  speculations  to  the  point 
of  fanaticism.  Without  any  apparent  reason  many 
of  them  became  Sheahs,  or  believers  in  the  claims 
of  the  house  of  Alee  and  Fatimeh,  and  considered 
pilgrimages  to  the  tomb  of  Alee  at  Kerbelah  as  lit- 


PERSIA  UNDER  THE  MOHAMMEDANS.  287 

tie  less  meritorious  than  the  pilgrimage  all  true  be- 
lievers endeavor  to  make  to  the  tomb  of  Mohammed 
at  Mecca.  Koom  and  Mesched,  where  many  Sheah 
saints  are  buried,  are  also  considered  extremely  holy, 
and  are  the  resort  of  many  Pilgrims. 

The  Persian  Sheahs  also  held  in  great  veneration 
the  twelve  Holy  Imams,  who  were  direct  descend- 
ants of  the  Prophet,  and  famed  for  their  wisdom  and 
sanctity.  The  twelfth  Holy  Imam  mysteriously 
disappeared  under  persecution,  but  is  expected  to 
reappear  and  once  more  lead  the  Islamites  to  victory 
against  the  cross.  Naturally  for  centuries  the  Sheahs 
suffered  much  persecution  from  the  Sunnees,  as  the 
rulers  of  Persia,  until  the  fifteenth  century,  were 
generally  Sunnees.  But  this  only  stimulated  the 
burning  zeal  of  the  Sheahs,  and  in  the  end  resulted 
in  bringing  about  the  independence  of  Persia  under 
a dynasty  of  her  own  race. 

In  the  fourteenth  century  there  resided  at  Ardebil 
a priest  named  the  Sheikh  Saifus,  who  was  held  in 
the  highest  repute  for  his  holy  life.  He  was  a lineal 
descendant  of  Musa,  the  seventh  Holy  Imam.  His 
son,  Sadr-ud-Deen,  not  only  enjoyed  a similar  fame 
for  piety,  but  used  it  to  such  good  account  as  to 
become  chieftain  of  the  province  where  he  lived. 
Junaid,  the  grandson  of  Sadr-ud-Deen,  had  three 
sons,  of  whom  the  youngest,  named  Ismail,  was 
born  about  the  year  1480. 

When  only  eighteen  years  of  age,  the  young  Is- 
mail entered  the  province  of  Ghilan,  on  the  shores  of 
the  Caspian,  and  by  the  sheer  force  of  genius  raised 
a small  army,  with  which  he  captured  Baku.  His 


288 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


success  brought  recruits  to  his  standard,  and  at  the 
head  of  i6,ooo  men  he  defeated  the  chieftain  of 
Alamut,  the  general  sent  against  him,  and,  marching 
on  Tabreez,  seized  it  without  a blow.  In  1499  Ismail, 
the  founder  of  the  Sefavean  dynasty  was  proclaimed 
Shah  of  Persia.  Since  that  period,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  brief  invasion  of  Mahmood  the  Afghan, 
Persia,  has  been  an  independent  and  at  times  a very 
powerful  nation.  The  establishment  of  the  Sefavean 
dynasty  also  brought  about  the  existence  of  a Sheah 
government,  and  gave  great  strength  to  that  sect  of 
the  Mohammedans,  between  whom  and  other  Islam- 
ites there  was  always  great  bitterness  and  much 
bloodshed.  Ismail  speedily  carried  his  sway  as  far 
as  the  Tigris  in  the  southwest  and  to  Kharism  and 
Candahar  in  the  north  and  east.  He  lost  one  great 
battle  with  the  Turks  under  Selim  II.  at  Tabreez,  but 
with  honor,  as  the  Persians  were  outnumbered;  but 
it  is  said  he  was  so  cast  down  by  that  event  he  never 
was  seen  to  smile  again.  He  died  in  1524,  leaving 
the  record  of  a glorious  reign.  His  three  immediate 
successors,  Tahmasp,  Ismail  IL,  and  Mohammed 
Khudabenda,  did  little  to  sustain  the  fame  and  power 
of  their  country,  and  the  new  empire  must  soon  have 
yielded  to  the  attacks  of  its  enemies  at  home  and 
abroad,  if  a prince  of  extraordinary  ability  had  not 
succeeded  to  the  throne  when  the  new  dynasty 
seemed  on  the  verge  of  ruin. 

Shah  Abbass,  called  the  Great,  was  crowned  in  the 
year  1586,  and  died  in  1628,  at  the  age  of  seventy, 
after  a reign  of  forty-two  years.  This  monarch  was 
one  of  the  greatest  sovereigns  who  ever  sat  on  the 


FETH  ALEE  SHAH. 


289 


290 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


throne  of  Persia.  He  was  great  in  war,  as  shown  by 
his  conquests  in  every  direction,  conquests  which 
carried  Persia  to  the  highest  pinnacle  of  renown. 
He  was  an  able  administrator— improving  the  rev- 
enues, regulating  his  armies,  beautifying  Ispahan, 
his  capital,  to  a degree  that  has  carried  its  fame  to 
all  lands  ; and  constructing  good  roads,  bridges,  and 
inns  all  over  his  dominions.  He  was  a patron  of 
letters,  and  by  establishing  schools  of  art  he  did 
more  to  cultivate  the  progress  of  the  arts  in  Persia 
than  any  sovereign  of  whom  we  have  any  record. 
To  crown  all  these  qualifications  that  entitled  him 
to  the  respect  and  love  of  his  people  to  all  time, 
Shah  Abbass  the  Great  was  a prince  of  wide  and 
generous  views,  anxious  to  promote  friendly  and 
commercial  relations  with  all  nations ; and  unlike 
every  other  sovereign  of  his  time,  he  was  tolerant  of 
all  religions  and  beliefs.  It  is  probably  to  the  times 
and  circumstances  in  which  he  lived  that  we  must 
chiefly  attribute  the  acts  of  cruelty  which  stained 
his  name  in  the  later  years  of  his  reign. 

It  was  the  misfortune  of  Persia  that  the  Sefavean 
line  rapidly  degenerated  after  the  death  of  Shah  Ab- 
bass, and  it  only  adds  to  his  glory  that  the  empire 
held  together  for  so  many  years  after  his  death,  a re- 
sult due  at  least  in  part  to  the  admirable  improve- 
ments he  originated  in  the  system  of  administering 
the  internal  affairs  of  the  empire.  Taking  advantage 
of  the  low  state  of  the  Sefavean  dynasty,  Mahmood, 
an  Afghan  chieftain,  invaded  Persia  in  1722  with  an 
army  of  fifty  thousand  men.  Such  was  the  condition 
of  the  empire  that  he  had  little  difficulty  in  captur- 


PERSIA  UNDER  THE  MOHAMMEDANS,  29 1 


ing  Ispahan,  although  it  had  a population  of  six 
hundred  thousand.  He  slaughtered  every  male 
member  of  the  royal  family  except  Houssein  the 
weak  sovereign,  his  son  Tahmasp,  and  two  grand- 
children ; all  the  artists  of  Ispahan  and  scores  of 
thousands  besides  were  slain.  That  magnificent  capi- 
tal has  never  recovered  from  the  blow. 

Mahmood  died  in  1725,  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
cousin  Ashraf.  But  the  brief  rule  of  the  Afghans 
terminated  in  1727.  Nadir  Kuli,  a Persian  soldier  of 
fortune,  or  in  other  words  a brigand  of  extraordinary 
ability,  joined  Tahmasp  II.,  who  had  escaped  and 
collected  a small  force  in  the  north  of  Persia.  Nadir 
marched  on  Ispahan  and  defeated  the  Afghans  in 
several  battles  ; Ashraf  was  slain  and  Tahmasp  II.  was 
crowned.  But  Nadir  dethroned  Tahmasp  II.  in  1732, 
being  a man  of  vast  ambition  as  well  as  desire  to 
increase  the  renown  of  Persia ; and  he  caused  that 
unfortunate  sovereign  to  be  made  away  with  some 
years  later.  Soon  after  Nadir  Kuli  proclaimed  him- 
self king  of  Persia  with  the  title  of  Nadir  Kuli  Khan. 

Nadir  was  a man  of  ability  equal  to  his  ambition. 
He  not  only  beat  the  Turks  with  comparative  ease, 
but  he  organized  an  expedition  that  conquered  Af- 
ghanistan and  proceeded  eastward  until  Delhi  fell 
into  his  hands,  with  immense  slaughter.  It  is  said 
one  hundred  thousand  people  were  massacred  in  one 
day  in  the  streets  of  Delhi.  After  the  marriage  of 
his  son  to  the  daughter  of  the  Mogul  emperor.  Nadir 
returned  to  Persia  with  vast  spoils,  including  the 
famous  peacock  throne  now  in  the  royal  treasury 
at  Teheran,  and  valued  at  not  less  than  thirteen  mil- 


292 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


lions  of  dollars.  He  was  assassinated  in  1747.  Nadi 
Kuli  Khan  was  a man  of  great  genius,  but  he  died 
too  soon  to  establish  an  enduring  dynasty,  and  after 
his  death  civil  wars  rapidly  succeeded  each  other 
until  the  rise  of  the  present  or  Khajar  dynasty,  which 
succeeded  the  reign  of  the  good  Kerim  Khan  the 
Zend,  who  reigned  twenty  years  at  Shiraz. 

Aga  Mohammed  Khan,  the  founder  of  the  Khajar 
dynasty,  succeeded  in  1794  in  crushing  the  last  pre- 
tender to  the  throne,  after  a terrible  civil  war,  and 
once  more  reunited  the  provinces  of  Persia  under  one 
sceptre.  He  was  a man  of  great  energy  and  decided 
genius  for  government  and  war.  But  he  was  also 
one  of  the  most  terrible  monsters  who  ever  held 
power  in  the  East. 

Aga  Mohammed  Khan  was  succeeded,  after  his  as- 
sassination, by  his  nephew  Feth  Alee  Shah,  a mon- 
arch of  good  disposition  and  some  ability.  It  was 
his  misfortune  to  be  drawn  into  two  wars  with  Russia, 
who  stripped  Persia  of  her  Circassian  provinces,  not- 
withstanding the  stout  resistance  made  the  Persian 
armies. 

Feth  Alee  Shah  was  succeeded  by  his  grandson 
Mohammed  Shah,  a sovereign  of  moderate  talents. 
No  events  of  unusual  interest  mark  his  reign,  except- 
ing the  siege  of  Herat  which  was  captured  in  the 
present  reign  from  the  Afghans.  He  died  in  1848, 
and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Nasr-ed-Deen  Shah, 
the  present  sovereign  of  Persia,  who  is  a man 
of  excellent  motives  and  decided  intelligence.  He 
has  sincerely  desired  to  improve  the  administration 
of  his  empire  and  has  generally  exhibited  a clemency 


A YOUNG  PERSIAN  GOVERNOR  (MODERN). 


293 


294 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA, 


hitherto  rare  with  Oriental  sovereigns.  But  he  oc- 
cupies a peculiar  position  owing  to  the  situation  of 
Persia,  which  is  the  seat  of  the  intrigues  of  Russia 
and  England,  the  former  power  undoubtedly  intends 
sooner  or  later  to  extend  her  sway  over  Persia.  We 
hardly  think  this  will  be  soon  accomplished,  but 
whatever  be  the  result  of  the  ambition  of  Russia, 
enough  has  been  recorded  in  this  volume  to  indicate 
the  great  vitality  of  the  Persian  race,  and  to  show 
that  even  when  for  a time  Persia  falls  under  foreign 
influence  and  rule  she  has  in  the  character  of  her 
people  elements  that  promise  again  to  lead  her  to 
assert  her  supremacy  under  more  favorable  circum- 
stances. 

Although  her  present  area  is  far  less  than  in  the 
time  of  Darius  I.  or  the  House  of  Sassan,  yet  Persia 
is  still  a large  country,  being  more  than  twice  the 
extent  of  Germany.  The  climate  although  warm  is 
generally  healthy ; the  soil  is  fertile  wherever  it  is 
irrigated ; and  the  progressive  tendencies  of  the 
present  dynasty,  combined  with  these  advantages,  in- 
dicate conditions  that  promise  a renewal  of  the  great- 
ness of  Persia  when  she  has  emerged  from  the  transi- 
tionary period  through  which  she  is  now  passing.  The 
long-continued  existence  of  the  Persians  as  an  active 

o 

and  intellectual  race  offers  a strong  ground  for  belief 
that  she  has  yet  before  her  a prosperous  future. 


INDEX. 


A 

Abbass,  Shah,  the  Great, 
crowned,  288  ; character  and 
beneficence  of,  290 
Abtin,  executed  by  Zohak,  6 
Achemenes,  see  Achemenian 
dynasty. 

Achemenian  dynasty,  origin  of, 
88  ; termination  of,  146 
^schylus,  opinion  of  concern- 
ing Darius,  no  ; apostrophe 
of,  on  the  defeat  of  Xerxes,  1 24 
Afrasiab,  slays  Newder,  36  ; in- 
vades Persia,  37  ; invades 
Persia  during  captivity  of  Kei 
Kaoos,  and  defeated,  42  ; 
treachery  of,  toward  Sohrab, 
45  ; invades  Persia  a third 
time,  89 ; receives  Siawusch, 
71  ; deals  treacherously  with 
Siawusch,  75  ; spares  Kei 
Khosroo,  77  ; defeated  by 
Rustem,  80  ; slain  by  Kei 
Khosroo,  81 

Aga  Mohammed  Khan,  reduces 
Persia  to  one  government, 
292  ; character  of,  292 
Alamut  defeated  by  Ismail,  288 
Alee,  son-in-law  of  the  Prophet, 
286 

Alexander  the  Great,  invades 
Persia,  143  ; destroys  Persep- 
olis,  145  ; measures  to  secure 
his  empire,  147  ; fate  foretold 
by  a plane-tree,  148  ; death, 

149  ; composition  of  his  army, 

150 


Amida  captured  by  Kobad,  222 

Amyrtaeus  expels  the  Persians 
from  Egypt,  129 

Anastasius  infringes  treaty  with 
Persia,  222 

Antigonus  usurps  the  throne, 

151 

Arabs,  see  Saracens. 

Arbela,  battle  of,  143 

Arda  Viraf  reduces  Zoroastrian 
beliefs  to  writing,  175 

Ardeshir,  see  Artaxerxes. 

Ariobarzanes  crushes  a rebel- 
lion, 136 

Armenia,  incorporated  into  the 
Persian  empire,  2ii  ; destroys 
altars  of  fire-worshippers,  218 

Arsaces  I.  founds  a dynasty 
and  the  kingdom  of  Parthia, 

156 

Arsacidas,  see  Arsaces  I. 

Artabanus,  slays  Xerxes,  125  ; 
executed,  126 

Artabanus,  king  of  Parthia, 
overthrows  armies  of  Rome, 
170  ; defeated  and  slain  by 
Artaxerxes,  son  of  Sassan, 
174 

Artaphernes  defeated  at  Mara- 
thon, 108 

Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  ascends 
the  throne,  126  ; subdues  re- 
bellion in  Egypt,  126  ; clem- 
ency towards  Megabyzus,  127  ; 
character  and  death,  127 

Artaxerxes  II.,  crowned,  130  ; 
defeats  his  brother  Cyrus  at 
Cunaxa,  133 , death,  136 


295 


'296 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA, 


Artaxerxes  Memnon,  see  Artax- 
erxes  II. 

Artaxerxes  III.,  accession  to 
power,  136  ; reduces  Egypt 
and  Cyprus,  138  ; destroys 
Sidon,  138  ; designs  on  Greece, 
139  ; assassinated,  139 

Artaxerxes  or  Ardeshir,  son  of 
Sassan,  revolts  and  founds 
Sassanian  dynasty,  173  ; de- 
feats Artabanus,  173  ; reforms 
Zoroastrianism,  174 ; perse- 
cutes heretics,  177  ; maxims, 
character,  and  death,  178 

Artemisium,  battle  of,  117 

Arts,  fine,  in  Persia,  under  Sa- 
por, 183  ; borrow  ideas  from 
China,  188;  from  Byzantium, 
189  ; in  time  of  Shah  Abbass, 
291 

Ashraf  succeeds  Mahmood  the 
Afghan,  291 

Astyages,  overthrown  by  Cyrus, 

88 

Atossa,  slain  by  Cambyses,  ico 

Avars  besiege  Constantinople, 

259 

Avicenna,  physician  and  phil- 
osopher, 284 

Azermidocht  reproaches  Siroes 
for  his  cruelty,  268  ; ascends 
the  throne,  272  ; assassinated, 
272 

B 

Babylon,  description  of,  91  ; 
besieged  and  taken  by  Cyrus, 

92  . 

Bactria,  Greek  colonists  of,  re- 
volt and  found  independent 
kingdom,  154  ; character  of, 
154  ; facts  relating  to  its  his- 
tory, 155  ; revolts  from  Persia, 
181 

Bagoas,  assassinates  Artaxerxes 
III.,  139  ; crowns  and  mur- 
ders Arses,  139  ; elevates 
Darius  III.,  140;  executed,  140 

Bahman  defeats  the  Saracens, 
274 


Bahram,  see  Varahran. 

Bahram  Shobeen,  affronted  by 
Hormazd,  237  ; revolts  and 
seizes  the  throne,  240  ; defeats 
Chosroes  Parveez,  242  ; de- 
feated, 244  ; assassinated,  245 
Balas,  or  Valasgash,  reign  of, 
218  ; pacifies  the  Ephthalites, 
218 

Barman  delegated  by  Afrasiab 
to  accompany  Sohrab,  46 
Behistoon,  rock  of,  103 
Belshazzar,  gives  a festival  in  his 
palace  by  night,  94  ; sees  a 
strange  portent,  94  ; slain  by 
the  Persians,  95 
Bessas  captures  Petra,  234 
Bessus,  murders  Darius  III., 
146  ; sets  up  an  independent 
government,  148 
Bindoe  murdered  by  Chosroes 
Parveez,  245 

C 

Cambyses,  ascends  the  throne, 

98  ; invades  Egypt,  99  ; con- 
duct towards  the  Egyptians, 

99  ; murders  Smerdis,  100 ; 
slays  Atossa,  loo  ; death  by 
fall  from  his  horse,  loi 

Cassius  invades  Parthia,  169 
Chalcedon  captured  by  Shahen, 
250 

Chosroes  or  Khosru,  surnamed 
Anurshirwan,  awarded  the 
sceptre,  226  ; crushes  revolt  of 
his  brothers,  227  ; anecdote  of, 
concerning  garden  of  an  old 
woman,  228  ; character  of  his 
administration  , 228  ; qualities 
of  his  mind,  231  ; military  gen- 
ius, 232  ; forces  Justinian  to 
pay  tribute,  232  ; expels  Abys- 
sinians  from  Arabia,  233  ; de- 
feats the  Ephthalites, 233 ; loses 
Lazica,  234  ; expels  Turkish 
hordes,  235  ; captures  Daras, 
236  ; death,  236 

Chosroes  II.,  or  Paiweez, 


INDEX. 


297 


crowned,  238,  240  ; character, 
239  ; negotiations  with  Bah- 
ram  Shobeen,  240  ; forced  to 
fly,  242  ; seeks  assistance  from 
Emperor  Maurice,  243;  defeats 
Bahrain  Shobeen,  244 ; com- 
mences second  reign,  245  ; ex- 
ecutes his  uncles  for  murder 
of  Hormazd,  245  ; character 
and  religion  of,  246  ; love  for 
his  wife  Shireen,  246  ; opens 
hostilities  with  Phocas,  247  ; 
defeats  Romans  and  takes 
Daras,  248  ; successes  of  his 
generals,  248-50 ; invades 
Egypt,  249  ; dominions  of, 
250  ; splendor  of  his  court, 
251,  et  seq.;  defeated  at  Cau- 
zaca,  256  ; retreats  from  his 
capital,  262  ; deposed  from 
his  throne,  265  ; murdered, 
266  ; eulogy  of,  266 
Christians,  persecuted  by  Isdi- 
gerd  I,,  208 

Clearchus,  bad  generalship  of  at 
Cunaxa,  153  ; assassinated, 

154 

Constantinople,  threatened  by 
Shahen,  and  besieged  by 
Avars,  259 

Crassus,  invades  Parthia,  162  ; 

overthrown  by  Surenas,  163 
Croesus,  character  of,  90  ; de- 
feated by  Cyrus,  90  ; fate  of, 

91. 

Ctesiphon,  or  Taisefoon,  made 
capital  of  Parthia,  164  ; be- 
sieged by  Julian,  199  ; cap- 
tured by  the  Saracens,  278 
Cunaxa,  battle  of,  133 
Cyaxares,  conquests  of,  86  ; in- 
vents military  organizations, 
86  ; expels  Touranians  from 
Media  by  stratagem,  87 
Cyrus,  or  Kei  Khosroo,  or  Kur, 
proper  spelling  of  name  of, 
82  ; childhood  of,  84  ; over- 
throws Astyages,  88  ; character 
of,  89  ; invades  Asia  Minor, 
89  ; conquers  Croesus,  91  ; 


besieges  and  captures  Baby- 
lon, 91  ; military  genius  of,  96  ; 
death  of,  96  ; tomb  of,  96-7  ; 
epitaph  of,  97 

Cyrus,  surnamed  the  Younger, 
plots  against  his  brother,  130  ; 
pardoned,  130  ; plots  a second 
time  against  Artaxerxes  II., 
13 1 ; defeated  and  slain  at 
Cunaxa,  133 

D 

Damascus,  captured  by  Shahr 
Barz,  248 

Daniel,  interprets  the  mysterious 
writing  for  Belshazzar,  95 
Daras,  captured  by  Chosroes  I., 
236  ; captured  by  Chosroes 
Parveez,  248 
Darayavalm,  see  Darius. 

Darius,  or  Darayavalm,  elected 
to  the  throne,  102  ; age  of, 
when  crowned,  103  ; executes 
Intaphernes,  103  ; invades 
Scythia,  105  ; territories  under 
his  dominion,  106  ; wins  battle 
of  Lade,  106  ; invades  Greece, 

107  ; defeated  at  Marathon, 

108  ; character  of,  iio  ; death, 
III 

Darius  II.,  called  Ochus  and 
Nothus,  usurps  the  throne, 
128  ; loses  Egypt,  128 
Darius  III.,  called  Codomanus, 
crowned,  140  ; attacked  by 
Alexander  of  Macedon,  141  ; 
defeated,  142,  et  seq.;  seeks 
refuge  in  Bactria,  146  ; mur- 
dered by  Bessus,  146 
Darius,  son  of  Xerxes,  murder 
of,  126 

Datis  defeated  at  Marathon,  108 
Deeve  Sefeed  overthrown  by 
Rustem,  38 

Deeves,  war  with  Kaiomurs,  2 ; 

make  bricks,  2 
Deilamee  dynasty,  283 
Demavend,  Mount,  Zohak 
chained  there,  10 


298 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


Demetrius  III.,  surrenders  to 
Mithridates,  161 
Deodatus  founds  Greek  kingdom 
of  Bactria,  154 
Djamee,  the  poet,  284 
Djemsheed,  Shah,  account  of 
what  he  accomplished  for  Per- 
sia, 2 ; character  of,  3 ; slain 
by  Zohak,  5 ; daughters  of, 
rescued  by  Feridoon,  9 
Djendil,  searches  for  wives  for 
sons  of  Feridoon,  12  ; proceeds 
to  Yemen,  12 

E 

Ecbatana  or  Hamadan,  83 
Egypt,  invaded  by  Cambyses, 
99  ; revolts  from  Persia,  127  ; 
subdued  by  Megabyz.us,  127  ; 
throws  off  Persian  yoke,  128  ; 
reduced  by  Artaxerxes  II., 
138  ; invaded  by  Chosroes 
Parveez,  249 
Elborz,  region  of,  84 
Ephthalites  or  White  Huns,  in- 
vade Persia,  211  ; defeated  by 
Varahran  V.,  213  ; defeat 
Perozes,  217  ; pacified  by  Ba- 
las,  218  ; defeated  by  Chos- 
roes,  233 

Eumenes  elected  to  throne  of 
Alexander,  15 1 

F 

Fars,  definition  of,  83 
Fatimeh,  daughter  of  the  Proph- 
et, 286 

Ferenguiz,  marries  Siawusch,  73  ; 
a son  born  to  her,  named  Kei 
Khosroo,  76  ; intercedes  for 
Piran  Wisa,  81 

Feridoon,  birth  of,  6 ; drives 
Zohak  from  the  throne  of 
Persia,  8 ; ,mace  of,  9 ; res- 
cues daughters  of  Djemsheed, 

9 ; asks  blessing  of  his  mother, 

10  ; finds  wives  for  his  three 
sons,  12  ; advice  to  his  sons 


when  going  to  Yemen,  13  ; 
goes  forth  to  meet  his  sons 
and  their  brides,  17  ; divides 
his  empire  among  his  sons,  17; 
laments  the  death  of  Iredj,  22; 
eulogy  of  by  Firdousee,  23 
Feth  Alee  Shah,  reign  and 
character  of,  292 
Firanek  gives  birth  to  Feridoon, 
6 ; flies  with  her  child  to  El- 
borz mountains,  6 ; honored 
by  Feridoon,  10 
Firdoiisee,  the  poet,  saying  of, 
concerning  husbandry,  2 ; al- 
lusion to,  284 

Fire-worshippers  or  Parsees,  the 
Persians  first  became,  2 ; fate 
of,  after  the  Mohammedan 
conquest,  283 ; present  num- 
ber of,  283 

Firoozan,  commands  third  army 
of  Isdigerd  against  the  Sara- 
cens, 280  ; slain  at  Nehavend, 
280 

G 

Gang,  capital  of  Afrasiab,  72 
Gang-i-Siawusch,  founding  of, 
73 

Gordian  defeats  Sapor,  181 
Gouderz  pacifies  VTath  of  Rus- 
tem, 50 

Granicus,  battle  of,  142 
Greek  mercenaries,  129 
Guebre,  definition  of  the  term, 
283 

Guerschap,  repels  Turkish  inva- 
sion, 36  ; death  of,  37 
Guersiwez,  betrays  Siawusch,  74; 

slain  in  battle,  8 1 
Guiv  bears  royal  message  to 
Rustem,  50  ; incurs  wrath  of 
Kei  Kaoos,  51  ; goes  a-hunt- 
ing  with  Thous,  66 
Gurdaferid,  daughter  of  Guzde- 
hem,  challenges  Sohrab  to 
combat,  46  ; ruse  to  escape 
capture,  48 

Guzdehem,  chieftain  of  the  White 
Castle,  46 


INDEX. 


299 


H 

Hafiz,  the  poet,  284 
Ramadan,  see  Ecbatana ; also 
description,  86 

Hamaveram,  king  of,  revolts, 
39  ; treachery  of,  towards  Kei 
Kaoos,  39  ; defies  Rustem,  41; 
defeated,  42 

Harpagus,  treachery  of,  towards 
Astyages,  88 

Hassan  and  Houssein,  fate  of, 
286 

Hatra,  under  the  Parthians,  164  ; 
betrayed  by  daughter  of 
Manizen,  180 

Hedjir,  captured  by  Sohrab,  47  ; 

felled  by  Sohrab,  56 
Heraclius,  emperor,  resolves  to 
fly  his  capital,  254  ; changes  his 
purpose,  254  ; invades  Persia, 
255  ; defeats  Shahr  Barz  at  Is- 
sus,  255  ; invades  Persia  a sec- 
ond time,  from  the  north,  256  ; 
defeats  Chosroes  Parveez  at 
Cauzaca,  256  ; third  campaign 
against  Persia,  258  ; captures 
Dastagerd,  262  ; concludes 
peace  with  Persia,  267  ; aids 
Shahr  Barz,  270 
Hit  captured  by  Julian,  197 
Hormazd  or  Hormisdas,  inju- 
dicious conduct  of,  precipi- 
tates his  downfall,  237  ; af- 
fronts Bahram  Shobeen,  237; 
deposed  and  slain,  238 
Hormisdas  II.,  191 
Hormuz,  battle  of,  173 
Houman  delegated  by  Afrasiab 
to  lead  auxiliaries  to  Sohrab, 
46 

Househeng,  reign  of,  2 
Hyrcania,  defined,  84 

I 

Imams,  the  twelve  Holy,  287 
Intaphernes  executed  by  Darius, 
103 

Irak,  see  Iran. 


Iran,  limits  and  location  of,  83 
Iredj  assigned  kingdom  of  Iran, 
18  ; slain  by  his  brothers,  21 
Isdigerd  I.  takes  charge  of  The- 
odosius, 208  ; persecutes  the 
Christians,  208 

Isdigerd  III.,  advanced  to  the 
throne,  272 ; prepares  to  re- 
sist the  Saracens,  273-4 ; 
makes  Rhages  his  capital, 
279  ; flies  eastward  after  bat- 
tle of  Nehavend,  281  ; assas- 
sinated, 281  ; character  of,  281 
Ismail,  Shah,  commencement  of 
his  career,  287  ; founds  Sefa- 
vean  dynasty,  288  ; conquests 
of,  288  ; loses  battle  of  Tab- 
reez,  288  ; death  of,  288 
Ismail  II.,  Shah,  288 
Ispahan,  made  the  capital  of  Per- 
sia, 290  ; beautified  by  Shah 
Abbass,  290  ; sacked  by  Mah- 
mood  the  Afghan,  291 
Issus,  second  battle  of,  255 

J 

Jerusalem  taken  and  sacked  by 
Shahr  Barz,  249 
Jolula,  battle  of,  279 
Jovian,  elected  emperor,  202  ; 

ratifies  peace  with  Sapor,  203 
Julian,  character  of,  194  ; in- 
vades Persia,  194  ; retreats, 
199  ; defeated  and  slain,  202 
J unaid,  father  of  Shah  Ismail  I., 

287 

Justin  purchases  peace  with 
Chosroes,  236 

Justinian  pays  tribute  to  Chos- 
roes. 232 

K 

Kabool,  capital  of  Mihrab,  26 
Kadesiyeh,  battle  of,  274,  et  seq. 
Kaiomurs,  founder  of  Persia, 
I ; wars  with  the  Deeves,  2 ; 
death  of,  2 

Kaweh,  demands  justice  of  Zo- 


300 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


hak,  7 ; raises  a revolt,  8 ; 
apron  of,  made  the  national 
standard,  8 

Kaweianee,  or  apron  of  Kaweh, 
8 ; used  in  campaign  against 
the  Saracens,  274  ; captured 
and  destroyed,  278 

Kei  Kaoos  ascends  the  throne, 
37  ; attacks  Mazanderan.  37  ; 
rescued  by  Rustem,  38  ; goes 
against  king  of  Hamaveram, 
39  ; marries  Soudabeh,  39  ; 
cast  in  a dungeon,  40  ; re- 
turns to  his  capital,  43  ; learns 
of  the  invasion  of  Sohrab, 
49  ; proceeds  against  Sohrab, 
51  ; marries  the  mother  of 
Siawusch,  67  ; confounded  by 
conduct  of  Siawusch,  72  ; 
sends  an  army  to  avenge  Sia- 
wusch, 78  ; death  of,  80 

Kei  Khosroo,  birth  of,  76  ; left 
in  charge  of  a shepherd,  76- 
7 ; slays  Afrasiab,  81.  See 
also  Cyrus 

Kei  Kobad,  reign  of,  37 

Kerim  Khan  the  Zend,  reign  of, 
292 

Khazars,  defeated  by  Kobad, 
219  ; assist  Heraclius  against 
Persia,  255 

Khshathrapavan,  see  Satraps. 

Kobad,  defeats  the  Khazars, 
219 ; accepts  doctrines  of 
Mazdak,  219  ; deposed,  221  ; 
marries  daughter  of  Kush-ne- 
waz,  and  resumes  the  sceptre, 
221  ; captures  Amida,  224  ; 
defeats  Belisarius,  225  ; death 
of,  225 

Kobad  the  Second,  see  Siroes. 

Kush-newaz,  king  of  the  Eph- 
thalites,  218 

L 

Lade,  battle  of,  106 

Lazica  lost  by  Nachoragan,  234 

Leonidas  fights  and  is  slain  at 
Thermopylae,  116 


M 

Macrinus  defeated  by  the  Par- 
thians,  170 
Madjin,  isles  of,  6 
Mahaferid,  mother  of  Minout- 
chehr,  22 

Mahmood  the  Afghan,  invades 
Persia,  290 ; atrocities  of, 
291  ; death  of,  291 
Manee,  career  of,  185  ; brings 
art  ideas  from  China,  188  ; 
fate  of,  190 

Manizen,  daughter  of,  betrays 
Hatra,  180 

Marathon,  battle  of,  108 
Mardas,  father  of  Zohak,  3 ; 

killed  by  Zohak,  4 
Mardonius  incites  Darius  to  in- 
vade Greece,  107  ; defeated  at 
Plataea,  122 

Mark  Antony,  defeated  by 
Phraates,  166 
Massagetae,  described,  84 
Maurice  assists  Chosroes  Par- 
veez,  243 

Mazdak,  doctrines  of,  219  ; 
seized  by  orders  of  Zamasp, 
221  ; followers  of,  massacred, 
223  ; executed  by  Chosroes, 

226 

Mebodes  executed  by  Chosroes, 

227 

Media,  83,  86 

Megabyzus,  subdues  Egypt,  127  ; 

revolts  and  is  pardoned,  127 
Mercenaries,  Greek,  129 
Merdasas  murdered,  266 
Mermeroes  dies  in  Lazic  war, 

234 

Mihrab,  king  of  Kabool,  opposes 
marriage  of  Roodabeh,  27 
Miltiades  wins  battte  of  Mara- 
thon, 108-9 

Minoutchehr  avenges  the  murder 
of  his  father,  23  ; ascends  the 
throne,  24  ; wars  against  the 
rebels  in  the  north,  26 ; puts 
the  powers  of  Zal  to  the  test, 
32  ; death  of,  36 


INDEX. 


301 


Mithridates  the  Great  of  Par- 
thia,  conquest  and  coins  of, 

161 

Mohammed  Khudabenda,  Shah, 
288 

Mohammed  Shah,  reign  of,  292 
Mohammedanism,  sects  of,  886 
Musa,  seventh  Holy  Imam,  287 

N 

Nachoragan  defeated  in  Lazica, 

234 

Nadir  Kuli  Khan,  usurps  the 
throne,  291  ; captures  Delhi, 

291  ; assassinated,  292 
Nasr-ed-Deen  Shah,  succeeds  to 

the  throne,  292  ; character  of, 

292 

Nehavend,  battle  of,  280 
Newder,  ascends  the  throne,  36  ; 
tyrannizes  ■ his  subjects,  36  ; 
slain  by  Afrasiab,  36 
Nisibis  captured  by  Sapor,  181 
Nizamee,  the  poet,  284 
Noman  wins  battle  of  Neha- 
vend, 280 

O 

Ochus,  see  Darius  II. 

Odenathus,  king  of  Palmyra, 
harasses  Sapor,  182 
Omar  Khayam*  284 
Ormuzd,  175 

Orodes,  becomes  king  of  Parthia, 

162  ; wars  with  Rome,  162  ; 
assassinated,  164  ; title  of,  164 

P 

Parni,  see  Parthians. 

Pars,  see  Pars. 

Parsees,  see  Fire-worshippers. 
Parthia,  founding  of,  156  ; in- 
vaded by  Mark  Antony,  166  ; 
invaded  by  Trajan,  168  ; in- 
vaded by  Cassius,  169 
Parthians,  origin  of,  155,  156  ; 
character,  religion,  customs. 


coins,  and  military  organiza- 
tion, 159,  160 

Parysatis,  wife  of  Darius  II., 
character  of,  128  ; intercedes 
for  Cyrus  the  Younger,  130 
Passargad,  capital  of  Persia,  97 
Passargadae,  see  Passargad. 
Pehlevee  language  defined,  176 
Perdiccas,  regent  of  Alexandrian 
empire,  150 

Peri  Sabor,  or  Firooz  Shapoor, 
besieged  by  Julian,  198 
Perozes  defeated  and  slain  by 
the  Ephthalites,  217 
Persarmenia,  see  Armenia. 
Persepolis,  destruction  of,  145 
Persia,  limits  of,  at  birth  of  Cy- 
rus, 83  ; when  founded,  86  ; 
influenced  by  Median  civiliza- 
tion, 88  ; present  limits  and 
condition  of,  294 
Persian  names,  origin  of  mode 
of  spelling,  102 

Persian  soldiers,  quality  of,  204 
Pestilence  sweeps  over  Persia, 
270 

Petra,  sieges  of,  234 ; heroic 
conduct  of  Persian  garrison  of, 

235 

Phaedyma  detects  the  false  Smer- 
dis,  loi 

Phericles,  Satrap  of  Parthia, 
overthrown,  156 

Phocas,  emperor,  attacked  by 
Chosroes  Parveez,  247 
Phraates,  murders  his  father 
and  usurps  the  throne,  164  ; 
removes  his  capital,  164;  wars 
with  Rome,  165  ; defeats 
Mark  Antony,  166 
Phraortes  ascends  the  throne, 
16 1 ; murder  of,  162 
Phthasuarsas  invested  with  royal 
honors,  223 

Pirandocht,  reproaches  Siroes  for 
cruelty,  268  ; married  to  Shahr 
Barz,  271  ; proclaimed  sover- 
eign of  Persia,  271 
Piran  Mrisa  welcomes  Siawusch, 
72  ; gives  Ferenguiz  to  Sia- 


302 


THE  STORY  OF  PERSIA. 


wusch,  73  ; befriends  Kei 
Khosroo,  76  ; slain,  81 
Pitho,  claimant  to  regeney,  150 
Plataea,  battle  of,  122 
Poets  of  Persia,  284 
Prexaspis  murders  Smerdis,  100 
Purmajeh,  the  cow,  nurses  Feri- 
doon,  6 ; head  of,  used  as  a 
talisman  in  Persia,  9 

R 

Rhages,  or  Rhei,  capital  of  the 
Arsacidse,  157  ; made  the  capi- 
tal of  Isdigerd  IIP,  279 
Rhazetes  slain  in  battle,  261 
Resaina,  battle  of,  18  r 
Rhei',  see  Rhages. 

Roodabeh,  falls  in  love  with 
Zal,  27  ; marriage  of,  33  ; 
gives  birth  to  Rustem,  33  ; 
welcomes  Rustem  from  vic- 
tory, 35  . 

Rustem,  birth  of,  33  ; captures 
Sipend,  35  ; finds  his  charger 
Raksch,  37  ; goes  in  search  of 
Keikobad,  37  ; rescues  Kei 
Kaoos  in  Mazanderan,  38  ; 
overthrows  Deeve  Sefeed,  38  ; 
adventures  in  war  with  king  of 
Ilamaveram,  41  ; drives  Afra- 
siab  from  Persia,  42  ; visits 
Semenjan,  43  ; marries  Teh- 
mimeh,  44  ; token  left  by  him 
with  Tehmimeh,  44;  sum- 
moned to  resist  the  invasion 
of  Sohrab,  49  ; altercation 
with  Kei  Kaoos,  50  ; slays 
Zendeh  Rezm,  52  ; single  com- 
bat of,  with  Sohrab,  57  ; slays 
Sohrab,  62 ; returns  to  Seis- 
tan,  64  ; storms  Balkh,  70  ; 
slays  Soudabeh,  78  ; marches 
to  avenge  Siawusch,  78 
Rustem,  general  of  Isdigerd  III. , 
encounters  the  Saracens  at  Ka- 
desiyeh,  274  ; slain,  276 

S 

Saad  ibn  Vakass  defeats  the  Per- 
sians at  Kadesiyeh,  275 


Saccae  described,  84 
Sadr-ud-Deen  Sheikh,  287 
Sahm,  gives  his  adhesion  to  Min- 
outchehr,  24  ; house  of,  24  ; 
a son  born  to  him,  24  ; indig- 
nation of,  on  learning  of  his 
son’s  white  hair,  25  ; exposes 
his  son,  25  ; rescues  him,  26  ; 
attacks  the  northern  rebels,  26; 
arranges  for  the  marriage  of 
Zal,  30  ; receives  a royal  mis- 
sive, 33  ; bestows  robe  of  honor 
on  herald  of  good  news,  35  ; 
refuses  the  crown,  36 
Salamis,  battle  of,  118 
Samarah,  battle  of,  201 
Sapor  or  Shapooree,  succeeds  to 
the  throne,  179  ; renews  hos- 
tilities with  Rome,  181  ; cap- 
tures Nisibis,  181  ; defeated  by 
Temistheus,  18 1 ; forces  Va- 
lerian to  surrender,  182  ; pro- 
motes the  fine  arts,  183  ; char- 
acter, 189  ; death,  189 
Sapor  II.,  crowned,  191  ; char- 
acter of,  191  ; attacks  Constan- 
tine, 192  ; wars  with  Rome, 
193  ; jDrepares  to  meet  Julian, 
196 ; defeats  Julian,  202  ; 
makes  advantageous  peace, 
203  ; military  character  of, 
203  ; death,  209 
Saracens,  invade  Persia,  273  ; 
defeated  by  Bahman,  274  ; en- 
counter the  Persians  at  Kade- 
siyeh, 274  ; at  Nehavend,  280  ; 
Satraps  or  Khshathrapavan, 
character  of  their  office,  104 
Scythians  described,  84 
Sefavean  dynasty,  founded,  288; 

degenerates,  290 
Seleucia,  founding  of,  15 1 ; de- 
struction of,  169 
Seleucidge,  dynasty  of,  151 
Seleucus  surnamed  Nicator, 
founds  a dynasty,  151 
Seim,  assigned  part  of  Persian 
empire,  18  ; slays  Iredj,  21  ; 
killed  by  Minoutchehr,  23 
Serv,  king  of  Yemen,  course  fol- 


INDEX. 


303 


lowed  by,  when  his  daughters 
were  asked  in  marriage,  12  ; 
receives  the  three  princes,  14  ; 
enchantments  of,  15  ; grief  at 
parting  with  his  daughters,  16 
Shahen,  captures  Chalcedon, 
250 ; threatens  Constantinople, 
259  ; defeated  in  Asia  Minor, 

264  ; death  from  mortification 
at  reproaches  of  his  king, 

265 

Shahr  Barz,  takes  Damascus 
and  Jerusalem,  248  ; invades 
Egypt,  249  ; defeated  at  Issus 
by  Heraclius,  255  ; usurps  the 
throne,  271  ; marries  Piran- 
docht,  271  ; slain  by  the 
guards,  271 

Shahr-i-Veramin,  157  ; see  also 
Rhages  Shapooree  ; see  Sapor 
Sheahs,  or  Persian  Mohamme- 
dans, 286  ; veneration  of  the 
Holy  Imams,  287 
Sheikh  Saifus,  287 
Shireen,  love  of  Chosroes  Par- 
veez  for  her,  246 
Shushan,  see  Susa. 

Siamek,  slain  in  war  with  the 
Deeves,  2 

Siawusch,  birth  of , 67;  subjected 
to  temptation,  68  ; put  to  the 
ordeal  of  fire,  69  ; leads  an 
army  against  Afrasiab,  69  ; 
storms  Balkh,  70  ; resists  the 
commands  of  Kei  Kaoos,  70  ; 
goes  to  the  court  of  Afrasiab, 
71  ; marries  Ferenguiz,  73  ; 
founds  cities.  73  ; betrayed  by 
Guersiwez,  74 ; murdered  by 
Afrasiab,  75 

Siawuschgird,  founding  of,  73 
Sidon  destroyed  by  Artaxerxes 
IIP,  138 

Simurgh,  the  bird  of  the  Elborz, 
protects  Zal,  25  ; assists  at  the 
birth  of  Rustem,  33 
Sindocht,  opposes  marriage  of 
Roodabeh,  27  ; waits  on  Sahm 
with  gifts,  31 

Siroes,  or  Kavadh,  or  Kobad  the 


Second, advanced  to  the  throne 
and  concludes  peace  with  Her- 
aclius, 267  ; massacres  his 
brothers,  268  ; death  of,  270 
Smerdis,  murder  of,  100 
Smerdis,  the  Magian,  or  the 
False,  usurps  the  throne,  loi  ; 
slain,  loi 

Sohrab,  birth  of,  44  ; character 
of,  45  ; finds  a worthy  war- 
horse,  45  ; organizes  an  inva- 
sion of  Persia  in  search  of  his 
father,  46  ; attacks  the  White 
Castle,  46  ; combat  with  Gur- 
daferid,  47  ; surveys  the  Per- 
sian host,  54  ; fells  Hedjir  to 
the  earth.  56  ; assaults  the 
Persian  camp,  56  ; encounters 
Rustem  in  single  combat,  57  ; 
slain  by  Rustem,  62  ; funeral 
of,  64 

Soudabeh,  given  in  marriage  to 
Kei'  Kaoos,  39  ; prefers  cap- 
tivity with  Kei'  Kaoos,  40  ; at- 
tempts to  seduce  Siawusch 
from  virtue,  69  ; slain  by  Rus- 
tem, 78 

Sunnee  sect  of  Mohammedans, 
286 

Surenas,  character  of,  162  ; de- 
feats Crassus,  163;  fate  of,  164 
Susa,  or  Shushan,  capital  of 
Cyrus,  97 

T 

Tabreez,  battle  of,  288 
Tahmasp,  Shah,  288 
Tahmasp  II.;  dethroned,  291 
Taisefoon,  see  Ctesiphon. 
Tehmimeh,  falls  in  love  with 
Rustem,  43  ; marries  Rustem, 
44  ; a son,  Sohrab,  born  to 
her,  44  ; reveals  to  Sohrab  the 
name  of  his  father,  45  ; la- 
ments the  death  of  Sohrab, 
65  ; death  of,  65 
Ten  Thousand,  retreat  of  the, 

135 

Thais  incites  the  burning  of 
Persepolis,  145 


304 


THE  STORY  OF  TER  S/A. 


Thamauras,  succeeds  Hous- 
cheng,  2 

Themistocles,  stratagem  of,  at 
Salamis,  ii8 

Thermopylae,  battle  of,  117 

Thous,  goes  a-hunting  and  finds 
a maiden  in  the  woods,  66  ; 
struck  dead  by  Rustem,  51 

Tigranes,  defeated  by  the  Par- 
thians,  161 

Timasitheus  wins  the  battle  of 
Resaina,  181 

Tissaphernes,  intrigues  with  the 
Greeks,  129  ; betrays  Cyrus 
the  Younger,  130  ; treachery 
towards  the  Greek  generals, 

134 

Tour,  assigned  part  of  the  Per- 
sian empire,  which  takes  its 
name  from  him,  18  ; murders 
Iredj,  21  ; slain  by  Minout- 
chehr,  23 

Touran,  limits  of,  34,  83 

Touranians,  84  ; how  named  by 
the  Greeks,  84  ; expelled  from 
Media  by  Cyaxares,  87 

Trajan  invades  Parthia,  168 

V 

Valerian,  captured  by  Sapor, 
182  ; fate,  183 

Varahran  I.  or  Bahram,  executes 
Manee,  190  ; ascends  the 
throne,  190 

Varahran  V.  or  Bahram  Goor, 
crowned,  210  ; makes  Arme- 
nia a Persian  province,  21 1 ; 
organizes  secret  expedition 
against  the  Ephthalites,  212  ; 
defeats  the  Ephthalites,  213  ; 
anecdote  of,  concerning  the 
lady  and  the  cow,  214  ; lost  in 
a quicksand,  216  ; character 
of,  217 

Vastam,  revolts,  246  ; assassin- 
ated by  his  wife,  246 

Volosges  I.,  character  of,  168 


Volosges  III.,  defeated  by  Cas- 
sius, 169 

W 

AVhite  Huns,  see  Ephthalites 
X 

Xerxes,  character  of,  112  ; 
crushes  revolt  of  Egypt,  114  ; 
invades  Greece,  114;  number 
of  his  host,  114  ; at  Ther- 
mopylae, ri6;  defeated  at  Sal- 
amis,  118  ; returns  to  Persia, 
12 1 ; assassinated,  125 

Xerxes  II.,  assassination  of,  128 

Xenophon,  accompanies  expedi- 
tion of  Cyrus  the  Younger, 
134  ; assumes  command  of 
Greek  army,  135  ; masterly 
generalship  of,  135 

Z 

Zal,  birth  of,  24  ; visits  king  of 
Kabool,  25  ; marries  Rooda- 
beh,  33  ; places  Zeff  on  the 
throne,  36 

Zeff,  reign  of,  36 

Zendavesta,  or  holy  book  of 
Persia,  176 

Zendeh  Rezm,  slain  by  Rustem, 

52 

Zenobia,  182 

Zerduscht,  see  Zoroaster. 

Zohak,  tempted  by  the  Evil  One 
to  slay  his  father,  4 ; deceived 
by  the  Evil  One,  4 ; invades 
Persia,  5 ; horrible  cruelties 
of,  5 ; dreams  an  evil  dream, 
6 ; driven  out  of  Persia,  7 ; 
chained  on  Mount  Demavend, 
10 

Zoroaster,  or  Zerduscht,  founds 
his  religion,  87  ; doctrines  of, 
88  _ 

Zoroastrianism,  doctrines  of,  88; 
reformed  and  systematized  by 
Artaxerxes,  the  Sassanid,  174 


The  Story  of  the  Nations. 


Messrs.  G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS  take  pleasure  in 
announcing  that  they  have  in  course  of  publication  a 
series  of  historical  studies,  intended  to  present  in  a 
graphic  manner  the  stories  of  the  different  nations  that 
have  attained  prominence  in  history. 

In  the  story  form  the  current  of  each  national  life  will 
be  distinctly  indicated,  and  its  picturesque  and  noteworthy 
periods  and  episodes  will  be  presented  for  the  reader  in 
their  philosophical  relation  to  each  other  as  well  as  to 
universal  history. 

It  is  the  plan  of  the  writers  of  the  different  volumes 
to  enter  into  the  real  life  of  the  peoples,  and  to  bring 
them  before  the  reader  as  they  actually  lived,  labored,  and 
struggled — as  they  studied  and  wrote,  and  as  they  amused 
themselves.  In  carrying  out  this  plan,  the  myths,  with 
which  the  history  of  all  lands  begins,  will  not  be  over- 
looked, though  these  will  be  carefully  distinguished  from 
the  actual  history,  so  far  as  the  labors  of  the  accepted 
historical  authorities  have  resulted  in  definite  conclusions. 

The  subjects  of  the  different  volumes  will  be  planned 
to  cover  connecting  and,  as  far  as  possible,  consecutive 
epochs  or  periods,  so  that  the  set  when  completed  will 
present  in  a comprehensive  narrative  the  chief  events  in 
the  great  STORY  OF  THE  NATIONS  ; but  it  will,  of  course, 
not  always  prove  practicable  to  issue  the  several  volumes 
in  their  chronological  order. 

The  “ Stories  ” are  printed  in  good  readable  type,  and 
in  handsome  i2mo  form.  They  are  adequately  illustrated 
and  furnished  with  maps  and  indexes.  They  are  sold 
separately  at  a price  of  $1.50  each. 


The  following-  is  a partial  list  of  the  subjects  thus  far 
determined  upon  : 

THE  STORY  OF  EARLY  EGYPT.  Prof.  George  Rawlinson. 

“ “ “ *CHALDEA.  Z.  Ragozin. 

“ “ “ ^GREECE.  Prof.  James  A.  Harrison, 

Washington  and  Lee  University. 
“ “ “ *ROME.  Arthur  Gilman. 

“ “ “*THEJEWS.  Prof.  James  K.  Hosmer, 

Washington  University  of  St.  Louis. 
“ “ “ '“CARTHAGE.  Prof.  Alfred  J.  Church, 

University  College,  London. 

“ “ “ BYZANTIUM. 

“ “ “ THE  GOTHS.  Henry  Bradley. 

“ “ “ *THE  NORMANS.  Sarah  O.  Jewett. 

“ “ “ ^PERSIA.  S.  G.  W.  Benjamin. 

“ “ “ *SPAIN.  Rev.  E.  E.  and  Susan  Hale. 

“ “ “ “GERMANY.  S.  Baring-Gould. 

“ “ “ THE  ITALIAN  REPUBLICS. 

“ “ “ HOLLAND.  Prof.  C.  E.  Thorold  Rogers. 

“ “ “ ^NORWAY.  Hjalmar  H.  Boyesen. 

“ “ “ *THE  MOORS  IN  SPAIN.  Stanley  Lane-Poole. 

“ “ “ =5=HUNGARY.  Prof.  A.  VAMBto. 

“ “ “ THE  ITALIAN  KINGDOM.  W.  L.  Alden. 

“ “ “ EARLY  FRANCE.  Prof.  Gustave  Masson. 

“ “ “ ALEXANDER’S  EMPIRE.  Prof.  J.  P.  Mahaffy. 

“ “ “ THE  HANSE  TOWNS.  Helen  Zimmern. 

“ “ “ ASSYRIA.  Z.  Ragozin. 

“ “ “ *THE  SARACENS.  Arthur  Gilman. 

“ “ “ TURKEY.  Stanley  Lane-Poole. 

“ “ “ PORTUGAL.  H.  Morse  Stephens. 

“ “ “ MEXICO.  Susan  Hale. 

“ “ “ IRELAND.  Hon.  Emily  Lawless. 

“ “ “ PHCENICIA. 

“ “ “ SWITZERLAND. 

“ “ “ RUSSIA. 

“ “ “ \YALES. 

“ “ “ SCOTLAND. 

* ('J'he  volume.s  starred  are  now  ready,  January,  1887.) 

G.  P.  PUTNAM’S  SONS 


New  York 

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